FOIA Advisor

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)

Commentary: Agency FOIA performance in FY 2019

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

As we posted on Wednesday, the Department of Justice has published the FOIA data reported by agencies for fiscal year 2019. DOJ will summarize all of the data in the near future, but it did note that the federal government had received 858,952 requests in FY 2019, down slightly from FY 2018, when a record 863,729 requests were received. FOIA Advisor staffers Allan Blutstein (AB) and Kevin Schmidt (KS) share their thoughts on the available data.

AB: Last year I predicted that the number of requests in FY 2019 would set a second consecutive record, but perhaps we’ve reached a saturation point. FOIA lawsuits have also leveled off according to The FOIA Project, which reported 859 filings in calendar year 2018 and 849 filings in calendar year 2019. Barring a major catastrophe (e.g., coronavirus outbreak), I suspect the volume of requests in FY 2020 will again approach or surpass FY 2018.

Beyond this, I looked closely at the data of USDA, DHS, NARA, DOJ, and DOD, which all told receive more than 70 percent of all FOIA requests. Interestingly, two of these agencies experienced significant changes in their workloads from FY 2018 to FY 2019: (1) NARA, whose requests increased 27 percent (from 52,850 to 67,466); and (2) USDA, whose requests decreased 27 percent (from 36,547 to 26,458). I was also struck by the fluctuating backlogs of DOJ, NARA, and DHS over the same time period. Specifically, DOJ’s backlog increased 46 percent (from 17,411 to 25,558); NARA’s backlog increased 85 percent (from 1810 to 3359); and DHS’s backlog decreased 71 percent (from 53,971 to 31,454).

KS: Let’s start with the Interior Department, which was under fire in the media for its policy changes to its FOIA program. Surprisingly, Interior saw the number of requests drop from 8,402 in FY 2018 to 7,973 in FY 2019. Despite the slight downturn in the number of requests, Interior’s backlog increased by about 24 percent.

The number of requests received by the State Department appears to be stabilizing after the huge spike in FY 2016 due to the inquires regarding then-Secretary Clinton’s e-mail. In that year, State received 27,961 requests, but in FY 2019, it only received 8,589, a slight increase over FY 2018.

Lastly, I was curious about the Department of Commerce and U.S Trade Representative, the two key agencies at the heart of President Trump’s trade wars. Commerce hit a three-year high for requests received and pending requests at the end of the fiscal year, suggesting sustained interest, although unclear if it’s entirely trade war related considering the size and scope of the agency. Requests to USTR dropped from 186 in FY 2018 to 136 in FY 2019.

AB: Perhaps Interior’s backlog was exacerbated by the burdens of litigation. The data indicate that Interior incurred $2.5 million in litigation costs in FY 2019, whereas its FY 2018 costs were only $1 million. On this score, I should add that DHS’s litigation costs notably decreased over the same time period (from $7.4 million to $3.8 million), as did the litigation costs of DOD (from $5.2 million to $3.2.million). Meanwhile, DOJ, which bears the government’s largest litigation costs, saw a modest 14 percent increase (from $14.5 million to $16.6 million).

FOIA commentary: National Security Archive takes a swing at OIP

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

When DOJ announced last week that Bobak Talebian had been appointed Director of the Office of Information Policy, succeeding Melanie Pustay after a dozen years at the helm, the National Security Archive took the opportunity to criticize Ms. Pustay’s leadership:

Under Pustay, OIP regularly published misleading FOIA statistics and provided an incomplete view of FOIA processing to both Congress and the public. In a prime example, the office’s annual summary of agencies’ FOIA reports regularly touted FOIA release rates of well over 90 percent across the government, a laughable claim. OIP arrived at this figure by excluding FOIA requests agencies denied by: overcharging fees (pricing requesters out); referrals (passing the request off to another agency while the requester still waits);  issuing a “no records” response (very frequently the result of inadequate searches); and requests deemed “improper for other reasons” (which ostensibly includes the increasingly-common “can neither confirm nor deny” Glomar exemption). A more accurate release rate calculated by the National Security Archive and others hovers between 50 and 60 percent.

See Lauren Harper, Border Agency Gets OK to Hide Previously Public Info from FOIA, and Much More, Feb. 6, 2020.

NSA’s criticism misses the mark. OIP’s annual summaries spell out exactly how agencies have processed their FOIA requests. In a section entitled “Disposition of Requests,” OIP reports the percentage of agency responses that fall within twelve categories: full grant; partial grant; full denial via exemption; no records; records referred; request withdrawn; fee-related closures; not reasonable described; improper request; not an agency record; duplicate request; and others. For fiscal years 2011 through 2018, for example, OIP indicated that agencies had released records, either in full or in part, at rates between 58.7 and 65.8 percent of all requests submitted—a range that is only slightly higher than NSA’s.

It is true that OIP reports a much higher “Release Rate,” which OIP calculates by comparing the number of requests denied in full pursuant to an exemption with the number of requests in which records were released in full or in part. The value of this statistic is debatable, to be sure. But OIP is upfront about what that rate represents; it is as illustrated by a pie chart that takes up nearly an entire page—and there is no fine print.

Commentary: Top 6 FOIA cases of 2019

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

Federal courts issue hundreds of decisions in FOIA cases every year.  Most do not break new legal ground or attract significant media attention.  As 2019 draws to a close, the legal eagles of FOIA Advisor -- Allan Blutstein (AB) and Ryan Mulvey (RM) -- identify the decisions that stood out to them (in mostly chronological order).

(1) Rogers v. EOUSA (D.D.C. Apr. 9, 2019) -- ruling that plaintiff’s civil forfeiture settlement agreement with IRS barred FOIA plaintiff’s request to Executive Office for U.S. Attorneys for records related to his case; declining to extend D.C. Circuit’s 2017 holding regarding the validity of FOIA waivers in criminal plea agreements.

AB comment: Those who remember our commentary on the D.C. Circuit’s 2017 decision will not be surprised to read that I was pleased as punch by this year’s district court ruling. Sanity prevails! Hopefully another Circuit will split from D.C.and set up a SCOTUS case in my lifetime.

RM comment: One of my concerns coming out of DOJ v. Price was that the D.C. Circuit’s standard, and its analysis of relevant public policy concerns, would be used to foreclose FOIA waivers ever being included in a plea agreement. Call it “sanity,” if you like, but Rogers at least indicates that the near-unanimous approach of other jurisdictions in permitting waivers will continue to be followed, at least to some extent, in the D.D.C.

(2) Food Marketing Institute v. Argus Leader Media (S.Ct. June 24, 2019) -- reversing the Eighth Circuit’s decision and holding that commercial and financial information is “confidential” under Exemption 4 when it is customarily and actually treated as private by its owner.

AB comment: Any FOIA-related SCOTUS decision will qualify as a “top” decision, and this one had a monumental impact on the landscape of Exemption 4. Stay tuned as to whether Congress reverses it in 2020.

RM comment: I don’t have much to add, but I agree that this decision had a “monumental impact.” I also think the Court got it wrong! There is indeed active bi-partisan legislation to restore the National Parks competitive harm standard, and even expand it slightly by eliminating the distinction between compelled and voluntary disclosures. (This legislation also would codify the D.C. Circuit’s decision in AILA v. EOIR, 830 F.3d 667 (D.C. Cir. 2016))

(3) Animal Legal Def. Fund v. USDA (9th Cir. Aug. 29, 2019) -- in 2-1 decision, holding that statute authorized courts to order agencies to comply with “reading room” provisions -- in this instance, the online posting of “frequently requested” records generated by the Animal Plant Health Inspection Service.

AB comment: FOIA plaintiffs had been losing these cases forever until this breakthrough.

RM comment: Agreed. The Ninth Circuit has been good to the FOIA requester community lately!

(4) Rojas v. FAA (9th Cir. Oct. 22, 2019) -- reversing district court’s opinion and finding that:“consultant corollary” principle relied upon by FAA was “contrary to Exemption 5’s text and FOIA’s policy of broad disclosure, and its legal foundation . . . is tenuous at best.”

AB comment: This matter seems ripe for SCOTUS review now that the 9th Circuit has officially split with seven other Circuits.

RM comment: The Sixth Circuit has rejected the “consultant corollary,” too, in Lucaj v. FBI, 852 F.3d 541 (6th Cir. 2017). The two circuits, however, adopted different views of the implications of DOI v. Klamath Water Users Protective Ass’n, 532 U.S. 1 (2001), and whether the Supreme Court’s analysis of Exemption 5’s “threshold” requirement actually forecloses use of the doctrine. Personally, I think the meaning of “inter-agency or intra-agency” is ripe for revisiting. In light of Argus Leader and Milner, a strict text-based reading of the FOIA would seem likely to prevail. At the same time, abandoning the broad interpretation fashioned (mostly) by the D.C. Circuit would have tremendous consequences not just for “consultants,” but also for records exchanged with Congress, the President, and non-FOIA-subject agencies. So perhaps a very limited opinion is likely, if the issue were ever taken up by the Court.

(5)(a) Nat. Res. Def. Council v. EPA (S.D.N.Y. July 25, 2019) -- holding that statute’s “foreseeable harm” standard “does impose an independent and meaningful burden on agencies” in case involving the deliberative process privilege; and

(5)(b) Ctr. for Investigating Reporting v. DOL (N.D. Cal. Dec. 10, 2019 ) -- declaring that statute’s foreseeable harm standard applied to all exemptions, including Exemption 4.

AB comment:: A pair of pro-requester decisions breathe life into an ambiguous statutory provision that should have died before birth.

RM comment: You and I do not see eye-to-eye on the “foreseeable harm” standard, Allan! I’m pleased to see courts start to flesh out the meaning of “foreseeable harm” and the increased burden that the FOIA Improvement Act of 2016 imposes on agencies. NRDC v. EPA builds on a string of pro-requester decisions in the S.D.N.Y. and the D.D.C. this year, including Judicial Watch, Inc. v. DOJ (D.D.C. Sept. 24, 2019) and Judicial Watch, Inc. v. DOC (D.D.C. Mar. 22, 2019). The D.C. Circuit is expected to hear oral argument next month in Machado Amadis v. DOJ—so that is something to look forward to on the “foreseeable harm” front.

With respect to the decision coming out of California, in American Small Business League v. DOD, another judge in the same district rejected the idea that “foreseeable harm” disrupted the Exemption 4 standard adopted in Argus Leader. Maybe something will percolate up to the Ninth Circuit. Some agencies have argued that Exemption 4 is exempt from “foreseeable harm” insofar as it prohibits disclosure “by law.” At the least, we need clarity on what “interests” are actually underlying Exemption 4. Post-Argus Leader, is it confidentiality as such?

(6) Smith v. ICE (D. Colo.) -- permanently enjoining ICE from applying its standard operating procedure for denying FOIA requests of fugitive aliens, rejecting agency’s argument that such withholdings are justified by Exemption 7(A).

RM comment: Notably, this wasn’t a “policy or practice” claim, and the court adopted a reading of the FOIA’s relief provision that is squarely at odds with the D.C. Circuit. There have been some interesting developments this year with the more theoretical aspects of the FOIA, including subject-matter jurisdiction (e.g., Cause of Action Inst. v. IRS). This is one such development. If the Tenth Circuit were to adopt the same reading, then we would see a potential SCOTUS opportunity!

AB comment: The procedural issue here is notable, but it’s a shame that the agency (and, in turn, the court) retreated from an interesting issue raised by plaintiff -- that is, whether the fugitive disenfranchisement doctrine, which the D.C. Circuit adopted in 1981, is still viable after the D.C. Circuit’s 2016 decision in AILA v. EOIR (ruling that once responsive records are identified, the agency can withhold them only if an exemption applies).

Honorable mentions:

Story of Stuff Project v. U.S. Forest Serv. (D.D.C.) -- determining that records pertaining to the company’s “boreholes” constituted “wells” for purposes of Exemption 9

AB comment: Exemption 9 decisions are rare enough to warrant a nod.

Nightingale v. USCIS (N.D. Cal.) -- granting class certification to plaintiffs seeking access to immigration files, specifically Alien Registration files, citing government’s “systematic failure of making timely determinations” on their FOIA requests.

RM comment: I’ve never heard of a class action FOIA lawsuit. If this sort of approach is approved by other courts, there could be a huge shift in how “policy or practice” lawsuits are used.

AB comment: The class action approach has been attempted before, but this might be the first successful attempt?

EPIC v. Nat'l Sec. Comm'n (D.D.C.) -- holding that the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence is an “agency” subject to FOIA, and denying government’s motion to dismiss plaintiff’s expedition claim against DOD.

RM comment: It isn’t everyday that we add an agency to the list of government entities subject to the FOIA, especially when the “agency” is designed to close within a year’s time. Here, most of the members on the Commission on Artificial Intelligence are appointed by Congress; only three of the fifteen are appointed by the Executive Branch. This decision provides interesting discussion of the scope of Section 552(f)(1), including legislative history and the two types of “tests” that have developed in the D.C. Circuit for handling the “agency” question.

AB comment: These “agency” questions irritate me because Congress easily could have included a provision about the accessibility of the Commission’s records. And what are the chances that Congress funds the Commission to process all of its “agency” records? In the spirt of the holidays, I’ll answer that question in Yiddish: bubkis!

FOIA Commentary: Fiscal Year 2020

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

As fiscal year 2020 gets underway, the staff of FOIA Advisor -- Allan Blutstein (AB), Kevin Schmidt (KS), and Ryan Mulvey (RM) -- discuss their hopes and expectations for the rest of the FOIA campaign.

AB: Among my hopes for FY2020 (and beyond) are that federal courts keep in check the ill-conceived “foreseeable harm” standard by applying it only to deliberative process claims. I’d also like to see the demise of Elizabeth Warren’s proposed FOIA fixes, particularly the “public interest” test that we discussed in our last roundtable. One of the bigger question marks going forward is who will replace Melanie Pustay as director of DOJ/OIP. I’ll hold off on speculating about candidates, but I’d expect an announcement before the end of the calendar year. For fun, I’ll predict that FOIA request totals for FY2019 and FY2020 will approach 950k and 1 million, respectively.

RM: I’m with you, Allan. My biggest hope is that we’ll see some more development on the foreseeable harm standard. The D.C. Circuit is considering an appeal now, in Machado Amadis v. Dep’t of Justice, that may provide a bit of clarity. Some amici have asked the Circuit to provide more general direction on how the standard is supposed to work. If the court accepts the invitation we could see some helpful and persuasive dicta. So far, I’ve seen different agencies taking different approaches to applying the standard for each of the discretionary exemptions. The case law has only involved Exemption 5 and the deliberative process privilege, and OIP refuses to issue guidance. We’re a long way from clarity.

There are two other areas where I’m hoping to see some development. First, application of Exemption 4 in the post-FMI era. OIP issued intriguing guidance, which introduced a novel three-step analysis that wasn’t devised, in my view, by SCOTUS. The import of express or implied indications by the government of possible public disclosure could lead to some interesting case law. And that goes for “step two” and the inquiry into express or implied assurances of confidentiality at the time of submission, too. It’s an interesting time for Exemption 4.

Second, I’m eager to see what sort of FOIA reform may end up coming out of Congress. The Open and Responsive Government Act of 2019 would reinstate the National Parks standard, and even expand its application, as well as codify the D.C. Circuit’s decision in American Immigration Lawyers Association v. Executive Office for Immigration Review. I would welcome both of these developments, so I’m rooting for the bill to succeed. And I’d like to see some other FOIA reform coming into the early stages of development.

KS: I try to stay away from hopes regarding FOIA, but if I”m forced to go on the record, I’ll go with: Meaningful enforcement and/or guidance for the foreseeable harm standard, even if it’s only involving Exemption 5. Ideally, the FOIA reform bills under consideration would include further limiting of Exemption 5 as well. I’m also hoping the new director of DOJ/OIP is committed to improving FOIA more broadly, or at a minimum, will do more to encourage agencies to comply with the law. As you might expect, I’m keeping my expectations for these hopes quite low.

AB: Chin up, Kevin. But how much more money would you ask taxpayers to pay to improve FOIA operations, because a cash infusion is what it’s really going to take (not statutory amendments or finger-wagging from DOJ). Requesters like us certainly don’t help the cause much, contributing less than a fraction of one percent of actual costs. So enjoy the bargain. Plenty of government information specialist jobs are available, by the way, if you want to try to improve the system from the inside.

We may agree about wanting clarification from the courts or Congress on various issues, but it’s apparent we disagree about how we’d like to see those issues resolved. In my view, for example, Congress should repeal the foreseeable harm standard, as well as the D.C. Circuit’s ruling in AILA v. EOIR — that is, agencies should be allowed to “scope out” information as “non-responsive” even on less than a page-by-page basis. I can live with a resurrection of National Parks. No one bit on the number of FOIA requests, so do I win by default?

KS: I’m not necessarily opposed to more money for FOIA operations, but there would need to be evidence that they are trying to do more with what they have to start. For example, “scoping out” information on less than a page by page basis is a waste of time without a strong reason to support it. Frankly, a lot of time and money can be saved by releasing more records, rather than line by line redaction. I’ve seen a lot of ridiculous FOIA requests that leave me sympathetic to agencies and information specialists, but I’ve been given the runaround too many times to believe we are getting full value for the money.

My estimate for request totals: FY2019: 900,000 and FY2020: 920,000 (I think election year may slow it down a bit).

AB: Spoken like a true libertarian!

FOIA Commentary: Is a public interest test in the public's interest?

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

In case you missed it, Columbia University Press published a collection of 14 articles last year that examine how freedom of information policies are working, failing, and might be improved. In one of those articles, “Striking the Right Balance: Weighing the Public Interest in Access to Agency Records Under the Freedom of Information Act,” authors Katie Townsend and Adam Marshall argue that all discretionary exemptions -- that is, exemptions other than Exemptions 1, 3, and 4 -- should include a public interest balancing test. That proposal was extended even further by the Anti-Corruption and Public Integrity Act introduced in the U.S. Senate on August 21, 2018 (and now reintroduced in the current Senate by Sen. Elizabeth Warren) and in the U.S. House on November 16, 2018, which would apply a five-factor public interest test to all of the exemptions.

The staff of FOIA Advisor, Allan Blutstein (AB), Kevin Schmidt (KS), and Ryan Mulvey (RM), weigh in on the proposed public interest test.

AB: I have two main objections to these proposals. First, balancing tests often undermine certainty and predictability of the law by tempting decision makers to inject their subjective opinions. That temptation is unavoidable under the Anti-Corruption and Public Integrity Act, which expressly requires agencies and courts to consider “any other factors that the agency or court determines necessary.”

My second objection is a more practical one. It is difficult enough for agencies to accurately determine whether requested records fall within a FOIA exemption -- a largely unappreciated burden that agencies undertook in response to 581,416 requests in fiscal year 2018. The disclosure analysis may soon become more challenging depending on how courts interpret the ambiguous “foreseeable harm” language enacted in 2016. Adding a complicated public interest test to the mix is likely to overburden agencies and courts alike, with Mr. & Mrs. Taxpayer bearing the brunt of increased litigation costs.

KS: I think the practicality issue is a real challenge, so my counter proposal is simply to remove the deliberative process exemption under Exemption 5. Outside of national security issues, that’s going to be the Exemption used for the majority of the withholding that would be potentially challenged under the balancing test. The rationale is simple: taxpayers pay for the the work and are subject to the policies crafted in federal agencies and therefore have an interest in understanding how those policies were made.

I’m also a non-lawyer, so I’d also get rid of attorney-client privilege exemption, but I don’t see that one happening and it surely rankles my colleagues here and lawyers everywhere.

RM: I appreciate the idea of a public interesting balancing test, but like my colleagues I share their objections for many of the same reasons. As an initial matter, the sort of five-factor test that has been proposed in Congress would build on, and not replace, the FOIA Improvement Act of 2016’s “foreseeable harm” standard. That standard was intended by Congress to avoid the technical application of FOIA exemptions, especially when the government seeks to hide embarrassing or politically damaging information. Complicating the FOIA by adding yet another balancing analysis doesn’t make sense to me. We still haven’t figured out how the “foreseeable harm” standard is supposed to work; the courts are still deciding.

And this suggests a deeper criticism. Balancing tests rely too much on the judiciary to ensure that the law is being properly applied. Marshall and Townsend lament the development of FOIA jurisprudence over the past fifty years. But the courts are responsible for that development. Courts have chosen to treat de novo review under FOIA as something special (and seemingly less than de novo!). Courts have chosen to defer to agency declarants. Courts refuse to grant discovery outside of extraordinary circumstances. I have little faith that forcing courts to review an agency’s application of yet another variable analysis is going to advance the cause of open government.

The better approach, I think, would be for Congress to focus on amending the FOIA to include clear statutory rules. Already, a bipartisan group of Senators has proposed redefining the term “confidential” for the purposes of Exemption 4, and they also aim to codify the D.C. Circuit’s ruling in American Immigration Lawyers Association, with the Open and Responsive Government Act of 2019. These are helpful, simple, textual reforms that leave little room for courts to play with the law.

What are some other possible “fixes”? Here are some thoughts: (1) provide more detailed direction for agencies to apply the “foreseeable harm” standard; (2) shorten the “sunset provision” that limits the use of the deliberative process privilege; (3) strengthen the role of the Office of Government Information Services, so that it can provide a real check on the agency appeals process; and (4) reverse the Supreme Court’s elimination of the absolute-qualified privilege distinction in FOIA by re-working Exemption 5. I suspect that this last change could provide the same sort of public interest “safety valve” that Marshall and Townsend want, but without introducing a radical new multi-factor test. Agencies would instead be forced to invoke privileges as any other party in civil litigation.

AB: Since we agree about nixing a public interest test, I’ll move on to some of your own proposals. Transparency advocates have lobbied for decades to eliminate the deliberative process, so you are in good company, Kevin. I am not prepared to go that far yet, but I could support Ryan’s suggestion for a shorter sunset provision -- say five years (borrowing from the Presidential Records Act). OGIS would need a significant boost in funding to handle something other than voluntary and non-binding dispute resolution on the appeals side; the government received 15,559 in fiscal year 2018. How would you feel about a mandatory filing fee to partially subsidize that effort? The Supreme Court’s recent interpretation of the term “confidential” under Exemption 4 could not have simplified the statute more clearly, but I do not object to resuscitating the Byzantine “substantial competitive harm” standard. I’ll pass on permitting a needs-based test to Exemption 5, however, which would be a backdoor public interest test.

KS: I’m not sure how much guidance would help for applying foreseeable harm, but I’m not opposed to trying to see if it helps. I would support a sunset provision, but don’t think it goes far enough. There is far less utility in finding out what the government was up to five years ago as opposed to the same year or two. The empowered OGIS proposals are always fun to tinker with. Can you imagine how DOJ OIP would react if OGIS was given the authority to overturn agency withholdings? I’m in favor of rolling out the proposal for that reason alone. I’d be fine with a flat fee structure, say $10 to $25 per case, to help support it.

RM: It seems to me that five years as a sunset provision for deliberative process is about right. I would even give the government eight years—or the span of a two-term presidential administration. I recognize, Kevin, that you’re all for eliminating deliberative process all together. I’m more on Allan’s side in recognizing that it serves a purpose. At the same time, I’ll be the first to admit how agencies overuse the privilege. I am also skeptical that disclosure of truly deliberative material in many cases is ever likely to harm the underlying interests, say, of insulating agency decision-making from undue interference or avoiding public confusion. I’d be OK with Allan’s suggestion of an additional filing fee for a strengthened OGIS process. As long as it is cheaper than the standard filing fee in the D.D.C.! Congress would need to send more money OGIS’s way, too, but I think it would be worthwhile.

FOIA Commentary: DOJ releases FY 2018 FOIA metrics

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

On June 6, 2019, the Department of Justice released a summary of the annual FOIA reports prepared by federal agencies for the fiscal year 2018. The staff of FOIA Advisor — Allan Blutstein, Ryan Mulvey, and Kevin Schmidt — reacts to DOJ’s report.

AB: My first thought was “it’s about time,” because fiscal year 2018 ended more than eight months ago. As for the data, I was not surprised by the increase in the number of incoming FOIA requests, though the total number (863,729) fell short of the one million figure predicted by OIP’s director. Nor was I surprised by the 17 percent increase in backlogged requests in light of the month-long government shutdown, which DOJ’s report does not even mention.

KS: The elephant in the room, as always, is the government-wide release rate that irks the FOIA community every year. The report notes an overall release rate of 93.8%, but as National Security Archive wrote on this yesterday, “[w]hat the report does not say is that OIP calculates that overly-generous figure by counting nearly entirely redacted documents as successful partial releases.” NSA estimates the release rate is closer to “between 50 and 60 percent.” It’s obvious to everyone involved that there are issues to be addressed in FOIA processing (resources, staffing, technology, etc.), so it helps nobody when these reports provide a distorted view of the what’s actually happening.

RM: In my mind, it would be helpful for the DOJ summary to breakdown statistics and distinguish between “true” FOIA requests and first-party requests governed by the Privacy Act. Considering the number of first-party requests handled by agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security, bracketing the Privacy Act may provide a more accurate picture of where the government is with administration of the FOIA. I also would have like more information about how agencies are complying with their proactive disclosure obligations. For example, how often are agencies posting frequently requested/”rule of 3” records?

Commentary: The state of FOIA in 2019

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

The House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform held a FOIA hearing yesterday, as is customary during Sunshine Week, to discuss the state of FOIA. This year, government officials appeared from the Department of Justice’s Office of Information Policy, the Department of the Interior, and the Environmental Protection Agency. Neither the Office of Government Information Services—the federal FOIA Ombudsman—nor representatives from the requester community were invited to testify. The staff of FOIA Advisor, Allan Blutstein (AB), Kevin Schmidt (KS), and Ryan Mulvey (RM), share their thoughts about the hearing.

AB: I was disappointed that DOJ was unable to provide any government-wide FOIA statistics for fiscal year 2018, for example the total number of requests received and processed. Granted the government was partially shutdown for 35 days, but affected agencies still had about four months to compile their metrics. The Department of the Interior’s witness predictably drew a number of questions about the agency’s widely-criticized proposed FOIA regulation, and I was pleased to hear that DOJ will now be working with the Department on that matter. As for the lawmakers, Congresswoman Wasserman Schultz earned demerits for asserting that she had never heard of agencies performing so-called “awareness reviews;” the issue has been well-documented for many years.

KS: I’m not inclined to believe that DOJ will steer Interior in the right direction — DOJ spent the whole hearing reminding Congress it only “encourages” compliance. I was most disappointed by members of Congress that described FOIA requests as harassment of the executive branch. It didn’t add to the discussion and it distracted from real issues that could be addressed in a bipartisan fashion. And while the discussion of content of agency websites unrelated to FOIA is interesting, it shouldn’t be discussed in the annual FOIA hearing.

RM: I tend to agree with Kevin that we shouldn’t hold our breath when it comes to OIP getting Interior to fix its proposed FOIA rule. (In all honesty, I’m surprised that it hasn’t already been scrapped. But that’s a discussion for another time.) I had expected the hearing to be a bit more adversarial. Some of the freshmen members—such as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Ayanna Pressley—weren’t terribly probing in their lines of questioning, or they seemed to veer off into topics unrelated to the FOIA, as Kevin mentioned. The decision by EPA and Interior to pull Administrator Wheeler and Acting Solicitor Jorjani as witnesses was a wise move on the part of the Administration; it defused what could have otherwise become a very partisan and un-objective affair. I suppose the most disappointing aspect of the hearing was the lack of participation on the part of the requester community. Despite the hypocrisy of the previous administration on transparency issues and the rather unfortunate scandals that occurred, things haven’t improved much and have likely gotten worse. Requesters have a lot to say about those developments.

FOIA Commentary: Top federal FOIA decisions of 2018

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

Federal courts issue hundreds of decisions in FOIA cases every year.  Most do not break new legal ground or attract media attention.  As 2018 draws to a close, the legal eagles of FOIA Advisor -- Allan Blutstein (AB) and Ryan Mulvey (RM) -- identify the decisions that stood out to them (in chronological order).

1. Argus Leader Media v. USDA (8th Cir. May 8, 2018) -- on appeal filed by a private intervenor following bench trial, affirming a district court decision that contested Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program data were not protected by Exemption 4.

RM comment: The Argus Leader case has been ongoing for a number of years, and we’ve mentioned it a few times at FOIA Advisor. I think the circuit decision bears noting, if only because there’s a pending petition for writ of certiorari under the name Food Marketing Institute v. Argus Leader Media. Justice Gorsuch issued a stay, thus blocking the disclosure of any records. I understand that many court watchers expect the petition to be granted.

AB comment: The appellate court made an important point about the competitive harm prong of Exemption 4, namely that the test is not whether the disclosure would be commercially “useful” to a competitor; rather, the disclosure must be likely to cause substantial competitive harm. In my experience, business submitters often do not appreciate this distinction. USDA was wise to bail on this case following a rare bench trial.

2. Animal Legal Def. Fund v. USDA (N.D. Cal. May 25, 2018) -- holding that FOIA’s expedited processing standard of "imminent threat to life or safety of an individual" excludes threats to animals -- in this case, a Siberian-Bengal tiger named "Tony."

AB comment: This appears be the first FOIA case to consider whether animals qualify as “individuals” under the statute, which warrants inclusion on this list despite the predictable result.

RM comment: The Ninth Circuit also dealt with the question of animals and statutory interpretation earlier this year in Naruto v. Slater, which concerned standing under the Copyright Act. That’s the famous “monkey selfie” case. Obviously, statutory standing isn’t really related to the expedited processing standard. But it’s always entertaining to read these sorts of opinions.

3. Morley v. CIA (D.C. Cir. July 9, 2018) -- in a 2-1 decision, the D.C. Circuit affirmed the district court's ruling that plaintiff was not entitled to attorney's fees in connection with a 15-year-old case involving JFK assassination records.  The majority found that the CIA did not act unreasonably by referring plaintiff to the National Archives and Records Administration, which possessed the requested records.  The dissenting judge asserted that the majority gave too much deference to the lower court, misapplied the relevant test for determining fee awards, and permitted the CIA to evade its FOIA responsibilities. 

AB comment: The majority claimed that it followed the Circuit’s familiar four-factor test for analyzing fee awards, but it expressly criticized the first three factors as being inconsistent with the statute. If the Supreme Court takes up the issue, we know how Justice Kavanaugh will rule: he was in the majority.

RM comment: I’m sympathetic to Judge Henderson’s dissent, which fairly criticized the majority’s application of the four-factor test for fee awards. It’s also amazing that, after fifteen years of litigation, of which eight concerned attorney’s fees, and multiple remands from the circuit court, the requester should go away empty-handed.

4. Judicial Watch v. U.S. Dep’t of Homeland Sec. (D.C. Cir. July 17, 2018) -- in a 2-1 decision, reversing the district court’s decision that plaintiff’s complaint failed to adequately allege a “policy or practice” claim against the Secret Service based on a history of delayed responses.

RM comment: This was an interesting decision, especially for those of us who follow the “policy or practice” case law. It is generally accepted that Payne-type claims cannot be predicated on delay alone. Judicial Watch rather ingeniously set up its fact pattern by keeping tracking of multiple requests (and lawsuits) concerning the same categories of records, and arguing that the Secret Service prioritized its processing based on an expectation that Judicial Watch would end up litigating anyway. Regardless of the merits of the underlying claim, I think this case will inspire other creative FOIA requesters to set-up strategic litigation in similar fashion.

AB comment: Interesting indeed. I cannot remember another recent FOIA decision in which the majority and dissent were so apart in their views on the fundamentals of the statute. I also was surprised -- but not disappointed -- that Judge Srinivasan, who was on President Obama’s shortlist to replace Antonin Scalia on the Supreme Court, wrote a dissent that one might have expected from Scalia himself.

5. Rosenberg v. DOD (D.D.C. Sept. 27, 2018) -- ruling that agency’s Exemption 5 withholdings were improper because statute’s “foreseeable harm standard” required government to “do more than perfunctorily state that disclosure of all the withheld information—regardless of category or substance—’would jeopardize the free exchange of information between senior leaders within and outside of the [DOD].’”

AB comment: The Department of Justice maintains that the foreseeable harm language enacted in 2016 is inconsequential. This decision, however, seems to provide it with a little bite. I expect requesters to latch onto this decision in contesting Exemption 5 withholdings going forward.

RM comment: Last year, in Ecological Rights Foundation v. FEMA, a judge in the Northern District of California issued the first opinion that substantively addressed Section 552(a)(8)(A), and that case made our list of the top decisions of 2017. Here, Judge Mehta, has really done a deeper dive. As Allan suggests, DOJ has routinely argued that the “foreseeable harm” standard merely codifies existing practice under the Obama-Holder “presumption of openness.” The Rosenberg decision decidedly rejects that line argument. Where will courts go next? I think we need to flesh out the application of the standard under other statutory exemptions. We need clarity on whether (and when) certain exemptions can be non-discretionary for “foreseeable harm” purposes (e.g., Exemption 6). And we need to test the limits of the “categorical approach” to identifying harms that Judge Mehta accepted.

6. Kwoka v. IRS (D.D.C. Sept. 28, 2018) -- concluding that IRS could not rely on Exemption 3, in conjunction with 26 U.S.C. § 6103, or Exemption 6 to categorically withhold names of FOIA requesters and their organizational affiliations from the agency’s FOIA log.

AB comment: The IRS rigorously administers Section 6103 of the Internal Revenue Code, which prohibits the disclosure of tax returns and “return information.” Thus, it is always notable when a court rejects the IRS’s use of it.

RM comment: There were a handful of Section 6103 cases this year, but I think this was the only one where the court rejected the agency’s use of Exemption 3. It seems the IRS could have avoided a loss if it had more rigorously reviewed the records at issue, particularly as concerns first-party requesters. I think there is a fair argument to be made that the identities and organizational affiliations of requesters don’t qualify as “return information.” But the court didn’t address that threshold question, and the plaintiff appeared to concede the point.

7. Judicial Watch v. U.S. Dep't of State (D.D.C. Dec. 6, 2018) -- ordering the parties “to meet and confer to plan discovery into whether [Hillary] Clinton used a private email to stymie FOIA, whether State’s attempts to settle [this] case in late 2014 and 2015 amounted to bad faith, and whether State’s subsequent searches have been adequate.” The court notably described Hillary Clinton's use of a personal email server as “one of the gravest modern offenses to government transparency." And it minced no word for the government, either: "At best, State's efforts to pass off its deficient search as legally adequate during settlement negotiations was negligence born out of incompetence . . . At worst, career employees at the State and Justice departments colluded to scuttle public scrutiny of Clinton, skirt FOIA, and hoodwink this court."

AB comment: Granting discovery to a FOIA plaintiff is unusual, but rarer still is the withering criticism that the court unloads here. A big win for Judicial Watch. Perhaps 2019 will bring an end to the saga of Hillary Clinton’s emails.

RM: comment: Judge Lamberth may have been harsh in his criticism, but he was fair. The State Department miserably handled many of the FOIA requests concerning Secretary Clinton. Hopefully, this rare grant of discovery will serve as a wake-up call to State, as well as a warning to other agencies.

8. Elec. Privacy Info. Cent. v. IRS (D.C. Cir. Dec. 18, 2018) -- affirming district court dismissal of FOIA request for President Trump’s income tax records on the basis of Exemption 3 and I.R.C. 6103.

RM comment: This case bears mention, in my mind, for two reasons. First, the media have discussed it quite a bit, and everyone loves to consider the mandatory release of President Trump’s tax records. Second, it is a clear rejection of a series of arguments about various subsections of 6103 that were dead on arrival. With respect to administrative exhaustion, however, I appreciate the circuit’s criticism of the IRS using its FOIA regulations to try and shift the burden of demonstrating that records are subject to disclosure onto the requester.

AB comment: When plaintiff filed this lawsuit, it brazenly claimed that there “has never been a more compelling FOIA request presented to the IRS.” If “more” had been “less,” I would have agreed. The agency deserved to be assailed for its overreach on the administrative exhaustion issue. That error should not be enough, however, to warrant an award of attorney’s fee and costs should plaintiff have the temerity to request them.

Commentary: "Day 21" Lawsuits

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

When an agency fails to issue a final determination by the statutory deadline (usually 20 business days), the requester may sue the agency on the next business day regardless of the reason for the delay.  Do agency FOIA officials have good reason to gripe when requesters submit complex requests and file suits as soon as they can?  Should the statute be amended? Ryan Mulvey (RM) and Allan Blutstein (AB) weigh in below.  Kevin Schmidt is on paternity leave.  

RM:  This is an interesting topic.  In my own experience, I've rarely filed lawsuits right after passage of the statutory deadline, whether it be 20 or 30 business days.  This is because I can appreciate the complexity of some of my requests, and I understand that many FOIA offices are overwhelmed.  In the end, one of the determinative factors in choosing to litigate is whether the agency is keeping me informed of the work being done.  I want to know whether my request has been looked at, where it is in the processing queue, and whether there is an estimated date of completion. 

The best FOIA officers are those who reach out and invite a requester to be part of the effort to design a search.  Of course, I wouldn't expect all agencies to be open to that practice, but every FOIA office should strive to keep requesters informed of what's being done.  The last thing an agency should do is maintain radio silence or ignore a requester's correspondence about a request or appeal.  In one case, I spent roughly three years sending emails and leaving voicemails with officials at the Department of Labor; I only spoke once with a FOIA analyst, and later received two or three emails months after "successful" OGIS mediation.  My sympathy for an agency quickly ends once it starts to ignore me or, worse yet, gives me a false or misleading impression of what work has been done.

Now, in some cases, I think the honest perspective in the requester community is that litigation will be the only way to get a reasonably-timed response.  There are agencies that really do seem to ignore requests unless a court gets involved.  The State Department and the CIA come to mind.  I'm also reminded of Judicial Watch's case against the Secret Service.  These agencies need to focus on improving their tech infrastructure and procedures for handling requests; I understand there are many inefficiencies that contribute to the backlogs.

As for changing the statute, I don't see how that would improve the situation.  Again, it would be better to modernize so agencies like the IRS aren't duplicating hard drives to manually search for email records.  And steps could be taken to minimize the delay associated with sensitive review and White House equities consultation.  It's probably a fair bet that the requesters most likely to sue are being subjected to these forms of politicized FOIA processing. 

AB:  This apparently was a hotly debated topic last week at the national training conference of the American Society of Access Professionals. But I am not entirely sure why.  Of the 500+ FOIA lawsuits filed every year, I suspect that fewer than 50 are filed immediately after requesters constructively exhaust their administrative remedies or within the first week.  Even if that number is higher, it is a tiny percentage of the number of FOIA requests that are backlogged at any given time.  Thus, agencies are perhaps more fortunate than they realize.

I agree with you that keeping requesters informed is likely to reduce lawsuits generally, but let's face it, certain "day 21" lawsuits are filed because the requester wants to earn a splashy headline, please a valuable donor or client, and/or try to box out other requesters who want the same documents.  No amount of good-faith agency communication with the requester will prevent these type of lawsuits.   

Agency officials who feel aggrieved by such lawsuits can take some small comfort in the fact that plaintiffs will have a more difficult time proving that they are eligible for attorney's fees and costs under the "catalyst" theory.  And if agencies are concerned that non-litigant requesters are being penalized by such lawsuits, nothing prevents an agency from simultaneously releasing the records responsive to a lawsuit to other requesters -- or to the press or to the entire world for that matter.  

With respect to amending the statute, there will always be day-after lawsuits no matter the deadline is.  If Congress could be persuaded to appropriate a few more million dollars annually to OGIS, I would not be opposed to a mandatory mediation period as a condition of filing a lawsuit.  

RM: You make a good point about "day 21" lawsuits that aim for the splashy headline.  I don't think these are unjustifiable if the records at issue are newsworthy and serve the public interest, particularly if the agency that controls them is one that requesters usually need to sue.

I have had at least one agency offer to release records to me concurrent with their release to a litigant.  I know some folks in the requester community might not like this practice, because it deprives them of an opportunity for "exclusive use."  But that gets into a whole other topic, which is also relevant to "Release to One, Release to All."

AB:  Unless we want to add a "good cause" or need-to-know" requirement to the FOIA, which essentially would be a reversion to the APA, agencies will have to bear with requests and lawsuits that are pursued for all sorts of questionable reasons.  Candidly, I have no problem with requesters who are quick to pull the lawsuit trigger in order to fast-track responses from any agency, let alone from agencies whose requests linger in black holes.  If certain requesters can afford the court fees and labor costs, more power to them.  It is the American way of life to be able to pay more in exchange for better or faster service.

Commentary: First "advisory opinion" issued by OGIS

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

The FOIA requires the Office of Government Information Services to offer mediation services to resolve disputes between requesters and agencies, and it authorizes OGIS to issue advisory opinions "at the discretion of the Office or upon request of any party to a dispute."   On Wednesday, July 17, 2018, after teasing Twitter followers about a "big announcement," OGIS issued an "advisory opinion" -- the first in its history -- concerning agency communications with requesters.  The staff of FOIA Advisor -- Allan Blutstein (AB), Kevin Schmidt (KS), and Ryan Mulvey (RM) -- share their views about OGIS's historic action.

AB:  It reminded me of Geraldo Rivera's "The Mystery of the Al Capone's Vaults," an overhyped 1986 television special that infamously failed to deliver on its tantalizing promises.  The content of OGIS's guidance is useful, to be sure, but it  is not the "advisory opinion" that Congress or the requester community envisioned -- that is, an opinion about a specific dispute between parties.  So why the embellishment?  OGIS has consistently claimed that issuing such opinions would undermine its role as a neutral mediator.  Fair enough.  DOJ should be the government's final decision-maker on the interpretation of the law in any event.

RM:  Yes, the substance of OGIS's "advisory opinion" is helpful but less than groundbreaking.  I'm not sure I agree, however, that Congress intended these sorts of opinions to address only particular disputes.  Section 552(h)(3) is ambiguous.  In my mind, the whole concept of an advisory opinion suggests it is meant to be more general and provide an interpretation of the law that transcends any specific case.  Here, OGIS's opinion was issued at its own discretion and based on its experience mediating a number of disputes.  I don't think that's objectionable.  And as far as I can tell, the legislative history is silent about what Congress actually envisioned OGIS's role to be with advisory opinions, although DOJ unsurprisingly raised "concerns" that OGIS would be given "any sort of policymaking and adjudicative role with respect to FOIA compliance."  I'd just add that it's unclear what OGIS even thinks its authority should be; the agency issued a proposed rule at the end of 2016 to introduce regulations implementing its statutory mission, but the rule was never finalized and inexplicably failed to address advisory opinions.

KS: The tinfoil hat side of me believes this advisory opinion may have been a trial run. As Ryan noted, DOJ is not happy that OGIS is able to issue any sort of opinion on FOIA compliance. So OGIS wanted to test the water and put out a rather unobjectionable first advisory opinion and see what sort of feedback they get. DOJ puts out guidance related to improving agency communication with requesters on a regular basis, so this isn't breaking any new ground. At least publicly, I'd say mission accomplished, but who knows what sort of feedback they've gotten behind the scenes. We won't be able to glean much information about OGIS' intent until they put out another advisory opinion.