FOIA Advisor

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)

Commentary: FOIA metrics—FY 2022

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

On March 2, 2023, the Department of Justice published data reported by agencies in their annual Freedom of Information Act reports for fiscal year 2022. The data, available on the website FOIA.gov, indicates among other things that agencies received a record-breaking 928,353 requests and that the government’s overall request backlog increased nearly 35 percent. FOIA Advisor staffers Allan Blutstein (AB), Kevin Schmidt (KS), and Ryan Mulvey (RM) share their thoughts on the government’s FOIA metrics.

AB: As goes the Department of Homeland Security, so goes the government, FOIA-wise. And FY 2022 was not kind to DHS. Requesters deluged DHS with nearly 100k more requests than in FY 2021, and the department’s request backlog more than doubled from 25k to 52k. Other agencies also encountered difficulties, albeit on a smaller scale. For example, two popular targets for requesters, DOJ and State, saw their request backlogs rise by 32 percent and 25 percent, respectively. Of note, DOJ now has more backlogged requests at 64,982 than any other agency. A less FOIA-active cabinet agency, the Department of Education, suffered a 123 percent increase in its request backlog.

Processing times are always important to requesters, and in FY 2022 the Office of Science and Technology Policy stood out by taking an average of 409 days to process “simple” perfected requests. Even greater patience is required of requesters who submit “complex” requests to NARA, which reported taking 1048 days on average to process them.

KS: DHS drives the big topline numbers, but FOIA requests received surged in FY22 compared to FY21 among most cabinet agencies. Only Agriculture (19%), Commerce (23%), DOJ (5%) and VA (19%) saw reductions. Big increases at Energy (14%), HHS (14%), State (23%) and Transportation (18%) and smaller increases among the rest.

RM: What struck me was that, across the whole government, the total number of full-time FOIA employees dropped by roughly 300. If we focus on some of the bigger, cabinet-level agencies that have been mentioned so far, the agency-level fluctuation in staffing varies quite a bit. Labor saw no change in staffing. A few agencies increased staffing: DOD (+73), DHS (+41), HHS (+21), Interior (+12), HUD (+8), Treasury (+2), and Energy (+1). Other agencies cut their staffs: State (-45), Education (-31), Commerce (-24), DOJ (-13), Transportation (-9), and USDA (-4). The VA, oddly enough, stands out in a category of its own. Based on its annual reports, the VA’s number of full-time FOIA employees dropped by 299. At first that looked like it must be an error, but I double-checked the reports. It looks like all those employees had been found in the VHA.

AB: I’m glad you looked into staffing levels, Ryan, as that significantly influences the government’s ability to fulfill requests/appeals and processing time. It likely also affects an agency’s ability to collect processing fees from requesters. The available data indicates that agencies collected a meager $2.19 million in FY 2022, an infinitesimal fraction of the $543.7 million that agencies expended to process requests. Taxpayers should not be pleased by this flow of federal largesse, especially when only a minority of requests advance public interests.

Commentary: The top ten FOIA decisions of 2022

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

Federal courts issue hundreds of decisions in FOIA cases every year. Most do not break new legal ground or attract media attention. As 2023 gets under way, the legal eagles of FOIA Advisor -- Allan Blutstein (AB) and Ryan Mulvey (RM) -- look back at 2022 and discuss the top ten decisions that stood out to them (in no particular order).

(1) Barnes v. FBI (D.C. Cir. June 3, 2022) -- affirming district court’s decision that requester’s criminal plea bargain precluded requester from seeking government records pertaining to his case, because government identified legitimate criminal-justice interest in enforcing waiver provision.

AB: In 2017, the D.C. Circuit notoriously became the first court to reject a FOIA waiver contained in a plea bargain, holding that the government was required to demonstrate a “legitimate criminal-justice interest.” The dissent warned that the government would never be able to meet the Circuit’s nebulous test. So, I was pleased as pie to see the government prevail when the Circuit had another opportunity to consider the same issue. Earlier in the year, a district court upheld a plea agreement’s FOIA waiver, noting that plaintiff failed to identify any public policy harms that would override criminal justice interests favoring enforcement of plaintiff’s voluntary waiver. The Circuit’s balancing test is wrong, in my view, but at least it is not necessarily fatal for the government.

RM: The whole FOIA Advisor staff was troubled by the Circuit’s 2017 decision in Price, as I recall. I certainly found Judge Brown’s dissent in Price to be persuasive. So, I agree that Barnes is a welcome development. I would even venture to describe Barnes as a sort of reversal of Price. I was worried that post-Price it would be difficult to sustain any waiver precisely because of the way the Circuit described its apparent balancing test between the interest in enforcement and the public policy interests enshrined in the FOIA—including, importantly, the use of public records requests to seek exculpatory material. But the Barnes court seems to deny there even is a balancing test. Judge Katsas simply wrote that, so long as the government identifies a “legitimate” criminal-justice interest, “[n]othing more is required” to enforce a waiver. Is that really reconcilable with an honest reading of Price?

(2) Behar v. DHS (2d Cir. July 8, 2022) -- reversing district court’s decision and holding that: (1) records obtained by the Secret Service from Donald Trump’s presidential campaign and transition were not “agency records” because agency did not control them; and (2) even if disputed records qualified as agency records, they were protected from disclosure under Exemption 7(C).

RM: The Second Circuit applied the modified-control test to records exchanged between the Secret Service and the Trump presidential campaign and post-election transition team.  By itself, that’s a surprising approach.  The modified-control test—effectively, the first two Burka factors—is only supposed to be used in cases involving purported presidential or congressional records.  So, I think it’s a real question whether the proper test was employed.  At the same time, it may not matter.  Other courts that have considered access to transition-team records, for example, have likewise avoided Burka and instead looked to so-called “first principles” to find agency control lacking.  See, e.g., Democracy Forward Foundation v. GSA, 393 F. Supp. 3d 45 (D.D.C. 2019).  All the various “control” tests are ultimately grounded in a functional understanding of “agency record”; they are trying to grapple with what it means for a record to come into an agency’s “possession in the legitimate conduct of its official duties,” to quote Dep’t of Justice v. Tax Analysts.  I imagine the Second Circuit didn’t want to open a Pandora’s box of indirect public access to presidential campaign or transition team records through Executive Branch agencies.  I’d only add that Mr. Behar has filed a petition for writ of certiorari, which we reported last month.  The last petition to ask the Supremes to consider the legitimacy of a post-Tax Analysts control test—in fact, the same modified-control test—was ACLU v. CIA, 823 F.3d 655 (D.C. Cir. 2016), cert. denied, 137 S. Ct. 1837 (Apr. 24, 2017).  The unique aspect of Behar, however, is the Circuit reversed despite the agency waiving the control issue below during summary judgment and neither party raising it on appeal.  It’s interesting to consider whether the decision violates the party-presentation principle and is otherwise adequately justified by the meager evidentiary record.

AB: You’ve given this decision a lot more consideration than me, perhaps because your employers have gamely litigated several “agency record” decisions before the D.C. Circuit. Be that as it may, I had no qualms with the Second’s Circuit approach here. Presidential campaign and transition records warrant the same special treatment that the court afforded to White House’s visitor logs two years earlier in Doyle. The alleged procedural defects set forth in the petition for certiorari are striking, but I still wouldn’t bet on SCOTUS taking this case. If I am wrong, I’ll make sure the case is at the top of next year’s top ten list.

(3) Seife v. FDA (2nd Cir. Aug. 5, 2022) -- affirming district court’s decision that Exemption 4 protected portions of pharmaceutical company's successful application for accelerated approval of a drug. Of note, concluding that government met statute’s foreseeable harm provision, which the Court held, in the Exemption 4 context, required the government to address “the submitter's commercial or financial interests.”

RM: This is an important decision for the requester community, even though the government prevailed. It is the first Circuit decision to engage with the intersection of Exemption 4 and the foreseeable-harm standard. We mentioned the district court opinion on our list of top cases from the second half of 2020, but we expected the appeals court to delve into the Trade Secrets Act and the question of whether Exemption 4 is a “discretionary” privilege. Instead we got an opinion that considered which precise interests are protected by Exemption 4. The Second Circuit rejected the notion that Exemption 4 protected confidentiality as such, which it thought would have rendered the foreseeable-harm standard surplusage. Instead, the government must show how disclosure would reasonably be foreseen to harm the commercial or financial interests of a submitter. In a sense, the Seife decision brings back some flavor of the old National Parks test rejected by the Supreme Court in Argus Leader. That’s great for requesters. And the Circuit isn’t alone in its reading of the statute; Seife is consistent with how the case law is developing elsewhere.

AB: Bah, humbug. I agree this is good news for requesters . . . in the Second Circuit, at least. DOJ might (and should) decline to follow it elsewhere. This decision might take a little bit of steam out of any congressional efforts to undo the Supreme Court’s decision in Argus Leader, which did not address the foreseeable harm provision. It behooves me to note that competitive harm is not the be-all and end-all of the National Parks test. The D.C. Circuit—and subsequently, many other courts—also recognized that the government itself could be harmed if businesses declined to voluntarily provide information that the government needed. This became known as the “impairment prong” of the National Parks test. In Seife, the disputed information almost certainly was required to be submitted to the FDA. Thus, the parties and the court had no reason to consider “impairment” as a foreseeable harm.

RM: Fair point. But whether we’re talking about the government-impairment prong of the National Parks test, or Critical Mass’s “customary” standard for voluntary submissions, I’m not sure it makes a huge difference in the end vis-à-vis foreseeable harm. It seems to me an agency’s explanation of “impairment” would need to be substantive and context-bound. The well-developed caselaw on foreseeable harm and the deliberative-process privilege could be instructive. I also tend to think, at the theoretical level, the government-impairment prong is duplicative of the “competitive harm” prong, as explained in an amicus brief I filed in Argus Leader. But I digress…

(4) Newman v. BOP (D.D.C. May 13, 2022) -- determining that government performed “thorough” searches for records concerning former Cuban exile and inmate Antonio Veciana, whose incarceration and supervision ended in the early 1980s. Of note, the court remarked that this case was “yet another example of the “mismatched incentives” that FOIA creates” because “nonprofit FOIA requestees like [plaintiff] pay little to nothing for their FOIA requests . . . [s]o they do not internalize the costs of a wild goose chase like this one. This case has tasked multiple attorneys at three agencies (including the U.S. Attorney's Office) and several FOIA specialists in the search for decades-old inmate records that by regulation should have been transferred or destroyed years ago. Unsurprisingly, they were. But the cost of this predictably fruitless search is borne by the agencies, and ultimately, American taxpayers.”

AB: This is a fairly routine “adequacy of search” case, but it made my year to read Judge McFadden’s dicta quoted above. He’s absolutely right that American taxpayers should not bear the full costs of FOIA fishing expeditions. Congress should require all requesters, including journalists, to pay fees for all search time beyond the first two hours. Instead, Congress has encouraged requesters to submit far-reaching requests by expanding the meaning of a “representative of the media” and prohibiting agencies from collecting fees when they miss the statute’s short response deadlines. Perhaps Judge McFadden should not have singled out non-profit groups, however; they are certainly not alone in submitting burdensome requests.

RM: Judge McFadden has been on a roll publishing dicta that singles out sections of the requester community and blames them for everything wrong with FOIA . It started in American Center for Law & Justice v. Department of Homeland Security, and it has continued with Newman and Harrington v. Food & Drug Administration. Personally, I find it inappropriate, especially since Judge McFadden’s assumptions are open to challenge. Professor Bernard Bell, for example, has published a short and thought-provoking response to ACLJ and Newman at the Yale Journal on Regulation’s Notice & Comment blog. He makes the point that Judge McFadden ignores the significant costs borne by non-profit requesters when they review agency records post-production, or when they spend time fighting with agencies over ostensibly broad requests pre-litigation. Judge McFadden also fails to appreciate that agencies aren’t always innocent. Although they may face underfunding or understaffing, agencies can be abusive in their rejection of requests as imperfect/unreasonably described. They can be reluctant to provide requesters with information to help with narrowing, and sometimes requesters’ broad requests (and their rush to the courthouse) are entirely warranted. I’m also skeptical the FOIA’s attorney’s fee provision provides as strong an incentive as Judge McFadden suggests. Prevailing in a lawsuit isn’t enough, and courts hardly rubberstamp fee awards; they do a good job considering whether a requester is both eligible and entitled to recover. As for preferential fee categories, call me skeptical that this has any wide-reaching impact. Some agencies choose not to collect, even when they aren’t statutorily barred. (I agree the wisdom of the 2016 FOIA Amendments, in this respect, is open to debate!) And, as Professor Margaret Kwoka’s research demonstrates, the majority of requests aren’t coming from the media or non-profit “watchdogs”—they’re coming from commercial requesters and first-party requesters, neither of which get special fee treatment.

AB: You’ve been dying to get that off your chest for a while, haven’t you? Perfectly understandable given your dutiful service to several non-profit groups with laudable FOIA practices. I confess to being surprised by your remark about preferential fee categories. If you think they have no impact, let’s get rid of them and see what happens. Shall we submit a joint recommendation to the Federal FOIA Advisory Committee asking Congress to enact a three-year pilot program? Judge McFadden has not complained—as far as I know—about the overall number of FOIA requests or lawsuits, but rather that requesters unburdened by fees are more likely to submit requests for voluminous records and/or requests requiring burdensome searches. Does any of Professor Kwoka’s research suggest otherwise? I doubt it.

RM: Professor Kwoka, as far as I’m aware, hasn’t examined whether the fee categories create an incentive for overly broad requests. Happy to be corrected there. But she has acknowledged that, even when fees are charged and collected, they don’t provide a sustainable funding model, if only because many expenses aren’t captured under “search,” “review,” or “duplication.” She’s probably right. And FOIA does tend to be more expensive than anyone ever expects. But all that being said, my fundamental point is that preferential requesters aren’t the problem. As OIP reported for FY 2021, agencies collected fees amounting to “less than 0.4% of the total costs related to the government’s FOIA activities.” There’s simply no way this is happening because the agencies are treating everyone as, say, representatives of the news media, let alone liberally granting public-interest fee waivers. It probably isn’t even because of the fee limitations in the 2016 amendments. Maybe a better pilot program would be to have OIP collect hard data on who is requesting (i.e., how are requesters being categorized for fee purposes), and the specifics of why fees aren’t being collected.

Since I’m on a roll, I’d like to mention one more adequacy-of-search decision from Judge McFadden that not only cites ACLJ but raises a few other red flags: Center for Immigration Services v. USCIS. In this case, Judge McFadden held a FOIA request to be unreasonably described even though the agency had already conducted a search in part because the agency cited “overly burdensome post-search efforts.” Frankly, I see no textual basis in the FOIA to reject voluminous (as opposed to unreasonably described) requests. OIP has long advised agencies that “[t]he sheer size or burdensomeness of a FOIA request, in and of itself, does not entitle an agency to deny that request on the ground that it does not ‘reasonably describe’ records within the meaning of 5 U.S.C. § 552(a)(3)(A).” And district courts have explained the only solution for an agency faced with a voluminous request, at least in litigation, is to move for an Open America stay. Most importantly, I find the CIS decision insidious because Judge McFadden balanced the burden of processing against his perception of whether the requested records were relevant to (and would advance) the requester’s “purpose” as a non-profit organization. As a rule, the identity and motive of a requester are absolutely irrelevant to an agency’s disclosure obligations. There are exceptions with certain fee issues. But motive—let alone the perceived relevance of responsive records—should have no bearing on the reasonable-description requirement.

(5) Transgender Law Ctr. v. ICE (9th Cir. Aug. 19, 2022) -- holding that: (1) agencies must prove adequacy of search “beyond material doubt” and that district court erred in finding that DHS adequately searched or records pertaining to asylum-seeker’s death from HIV in federal custody; (2) district court should not have “essentially treated all drafts as necessarily covered by the deliberative process privilege”; (3) district court erred in permitting government to withhold email domain addresses under Exemptions 6 and 7(C); (4) government’s use of Exemption 7(E) was overbroad and district court neglected to analyze whether withheld records were techniques and procedures, and not guidelines; and (5) district court failed to ensure that: (a) the government’s Vaughn Index entries were non-conclusory, (b) the government explained why documents were not segregable, and (c) the government properly designated certain documents as non-responsive or duplicates.

RM: I’m not sure this decision breaks any new ground so much as it’s an important reminder to agencies not to try and be creative with their withholdings, and a warning to district judges not to be lackluster in their review of supporting declarations and Vaughn indices. Of particular note is the panel’s reiteration that not all draft documents are covered by the deliberative-process privilege, as well as the passing comment that records reflecting deliberations over press statements may not implicate “the type of policy decisions the privilege covers.” That latter question has been answered in the D.C. and Second Circuits, but seems open still in the 9th. Finally, I’m amazed there even needed to be a fight over the redaction of government agency domains in official email addresses. The court was right to explain how such information cannot constitute a “similar file.”

AB: I share your puzzlement about the agency’s refusal to release domain email addresses, as well as the defense of Exemption 6 by counsel and the district court. Hello attorney’s fees. The answer to whether public messaging records fall within Exemption 5 in the Ninth Circuit seems to be much closer to “no” than “yes.” The court here directed the release of the agency’s draft press statements instead of giving the agency an opportunity to offer additional evidence to the district court. What else can I say other than the D.C. and Second Circuit courts are right and the Ninth Circuit is wrong.

(6) Harrington v. FDA (D.D.C. Jan. 2022) -- denying plaintiff’s motion seeking “immediate” production of agency’s pet-food-related records and finding that FDA’s proposed production schedule was reasonable; taking into account that agency’s relevant FOIA office had backlog of 336 requests, due “in no small part” to plaintiff’s “staggering 2220+ requests to FDA since 2018”; further noting that plaintiff never sought expedited processing at administrative level and did not meet the statutory test.

AB: Of all the unsuccessful FOIA plaintiffs since 1967, few have deserved to lose more than the plaintiff in this case. As the court pointed out, the agency generously offered to process the requested records in a mere 60 days if plaintiff would allow the agency to pause its work on one of plaintiff’s earlier requests involving hundreds of thousands of pages. Because plaintiff rejected that offer, Judge McFadden was oh-so-right to state that plaintiff had only himself to blame for the agency’s alternative production timeline of one year. Bonus points to the court for inviting Congress to address vexatious FOIA requesters like this this one. Amazingly, plaintiff’s attorney actually considered appealing this case.

RM: This seems to have been a poorly prosecuted case. As the district court noted, the requester failed to file a reply brief. And it seems the requester tried to make an argument that seriously confused the statutory deadline to provide a response, and the separate (and subsequent) requirement to provide a requester with non-exempt responsive records “promptly.” I won’t comment on the vexatious-requester question except to note that if this is real problem in need of a solution—and I’m not convinced it is—then the court was right to invite Congress to provide a statutory fix.

(7) Rocky Mountain Wild, Inc. v. U.S. Forest Serv. (10th Cir. Dec. 30, 2022) -- affirming district court’s decision and finding that: (1) plaintiff waived argument that Vaughn Index was insufficient; (2) agency performed reasonable search for voluminous records concerning proposed highway project; (3) agency properly withheld records pursuant to Exemption 5 and demonstrated prospective harm, but declining to hold that the foreseeable harm provision imposed a “heightened burden”; and (4) district court properly ordered plaintiff to return two documents that agency accidentally disclosed to plaintiff without redaction, even though another organization subsequently posted the documents online.

RM: This is a surprising decision, in my mind. Although the panel averred it was not deciding whether the foreseeable-harm standard imposes any additional burden on an agency to justify withholding beyond satisfying the technical requirements for applying an exemption in the first place, avoiding that question speaks volumes. At least in other circuits, such as D.C. and the 9th, the government has abandoned its atextual and, frankly, preposterous position that the 2016 FOIA Amendments merely codify the discretionary “presumption of openness” most recently articulated in the March 2009 Holder Memo. Rocky Mountain Wild seems to breath new life into that position, sadly, at least in the Tenth Circuit. I also find the Circuit’s holding that the foreseeable-harm standard would have been met, even if it applied as it does elsewhere, to be equally troubling. The panel seriously confused why Exemption 5 exists and can be used in conjunction with civil discovery privileges, with the distinct question of whether disclosure could be reasonably foreseen to cause harm. Mere recitation of the prerequisite for a privilege, or the broad policy reasons for the existence of a privilege, cannot be enough. The statutory language cannot sustain that approach.

AB: Just as I was about to close the book on 2022, the Tenth Circuit pulled me back in. My first thought when I saw the decision was: “Ryan is going to hate this.” Then I cheerfully started humming John Denver’s signature song Rocky Mountain High, because the foreseeable harm provision is truly horrible. FOIA processors should not be expected to be seers who prophesize about harms likely to occur if particular documents are disclosed. The Senate Report to the FOIA Improvement Act of 2016 claimed that the foreseeable harm standard would provide “clearer guidance regarding when to withhold information covered by a discretionary FOIA exemption.” Seriously? What could be clearer than permitting information to be withheld when it falls within an exemption, as the statute operated for 50 years? FOIA improvement? Hardly.

(8) Eddington v. DOD (D.C. Cir., June 3, 2022) -- affirming district court’s decision that requester failed to present sufficient evidence to overcome agency’s declaration that it did not receive any of his requests emailed to 14 DOD components.

AB: We did not include the district court’s decision in our list of top cases last year, but since plaintiff would not leave well enough alone, I felt compelled to add it now. This case illustrates the obvious risk of submitting FOIA requests by email. Just because you click “send” and your email doesn’t bounce back, that doesn’t necessarily mean that the agency actually received it. A prudent requester would have asked the agencies for acknowledgments of receipt within 6 months. But this frequent requester and trigger-happy litigant mistakenly assumed that all 14 agencies were ignoring his requests for 6 months and he marched into court. As the old saying goes, “assuming makes an ass of u and me.”

RM: I’ll admit this appeal really had me scratching my head. As you say, it would have been quite easy (and more prudent!) for the requester to have asked the agency if it had received his many requests. I wouldn’t be surprised if this lawsuit were set up as some sort of strategic challenge, say, to establish a “mailbox” rule for receipt of FOIA requests. If it were really an effort to get records, then it would have been quicker (as the panel suggested in a footnote) to forego appeal and start over.

AB: Uh, sorry, I don’t buy for a split second that plaintiff’s lawsuit was an elaborate strategic challenge from the get-go. A simpler explanation makes more sense: plaintiff, a frequent litigator, was unwilling to swallow the agency’s response and he did not want to risk mooting his lawsuit by submitting new requests. Since you referenced it, the court utterly destroyed plaintiff’s mailbox rule argument. For anyone who’s seen the the movie Top Gun: Maverick, picture the massive blast of the enemy’s uranium enrichment plant, aka “Miracle Number 2.”

(9) Citizens for Responsibility & Ethics in Wash v. DOJ (D.C. Cir., Aug. 19, 2022) -- affirming district court’s decision that DOJ failed to adequately explain how an agency memorandum to Attorney General Barr concerning Mueller Report fell within Exemption 5’s deliberative process privilege; declining to decide whether “a purely hypothetical, academic discussion among agency personnel could qualify under the . . . privilege”; refusing to allow DOJ to present a new argument that memorandum was drafted “for the purpose of determining the content of a possible public statement regarding the report.”

AB: The district court’s 2021 opinion drew considerable attention for calling out DOJ’s “misleading” and “incomplete'“ declarations. Democrats on the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee wasted little time in urging DOJ to forgo an appeal, claiming it was necessary in order to “help rebuild nation’s trust in DOJ’s independence after four years of turmoil.” But the government’s appeal was well taken. The D.C. Circuit all but conceded that DOJ’s new deliberative process privilege argument was likely meritorious. Following precedent, however, the Circuit was constrained to allow the government to belatedly raise a new legal theory in the absence of extraordinary circumstances. In sum, kudos to the DOJ’s appellate staff for yeoman’s work, but all the king’s horses and all the king’s men could not rescue this botched case.

RM: Well, I’m not sure I would describe the government’s appeal as “well taken.” As the CREW opinion explains, DOJ ended up conceding that two of the three grounds for applying the deliberative-process privilege were non-meritorious, and hardly due to the niceties of existing precedent. I would also quibble with whether the panel “all but conceded” the third ground was “likely meritorious.” I read the Circuit as saying the arguments and supporting declarations in the district court before the government’s motion for stay pending appeal did not “make—or even suggest—[a] connection” between the records and deliberations over the preparation of a public statement. The winning argument might have been meritorious in the abstract, but it would have been highly questionable for the agency, which had already been given multiple bites at the apple in the district court, to revise its declarations to correct what it dubiously described as a factual “misimpression.”

(10) NBC 7 San Diego v. DHS (D.D.C. Dec. 20, 2022) -- concluding that DHS and two components failed to provide sufficient explanations as to why they deemed requested records concerning a secret tracking database to be non-responsive, noting that agencies improperly considered “context” of requests instead of identified search terms.

RM: This case grapples with an interesting development in how FOIA requesters draft their requests, and how an agency’s “responsiveness” review occasionally collapses into its search. The court here rejected the agencies’ attempts to conduct a subject-matter responsiveness review about completing a search for records containing identified search terms. Because the underlying requests set the conditions of responsiveness (e.g., “records containing terms x, y, or z”), it was improper for the government to evaluate, as a further matter, whether returned records were relevant to the “substance” or general subject-matter of the request. This approach amounts to an “unreasonable refram[ing].” I’d note, however, that at least one other recent decision has taken a different approach—albeit one that I think is incorrect. Judge Friedrich in Project on Government Oversight v. Department of the Treasury decided to rule in favor of an agency that had used language from the requester’s fee-waiver request to apply a sort of “relevance” review when culling potentially responsive records. The POGO court reasoned that ruling otherwise would have violated the principle that requesters “cannot dictate the search terms for his or her FOIA request.”

AB: I agree with the court’s decision in NBC 7 San Diego. If I had made the same request, I might have authorized the agency to cull the documents by a general subject matter depending on how many records had been located. But many requesters do not trust agencies to do this, and sometimes a requester does not have an umbrella subject. If I were still at Treasury, I would have been reluctant to bless the process used by the agency in the POGO case —that is, not until the agency had reached out to the requester to seek clarification.

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FOIA Commentary: 2022 FOIA news in review

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

As a new year gets underway, the staff of FOIA Advisor are pleased to provide a summary of the most notable FOIA developments outside the courthouse in 2022. We will discuss our top 10 court decisions issued last year in a forthcoming post.

Legislative proposals

Despite a great deal of scuttlebutt over the prospect of comprehensive FOIA reform in the last Congress—especially in light of the then-expected (now-realized) retirement of long-time FOIA advocate Senator Patrick Leahy (D-VT)—there were only a handful of legislative proposals introduced in calendar year 2022 that substantively dealt with public access issues.

  • On March 15, 2022, U.S. Senator Jodi Ernst (R-IA) introduced the Watchdog Act, which would have created a new agency within the Executive Office of the President tasked with overseeing the implementation of all federal transparency laws, including the FOIA and Privacy Act.

  • On June 14, 2022, U.S. Senators Marco Rubio (R-FL) and Tom Cotton (R-AR) introduced the First Opportunity for Information to Americans Act (or FOIA Fix Act), which would have limited FOIA requests to U.S. citizens, legal aliens, and entities with a principal place of business in the United States or U.S. territory.

  • On December 9, 2022, U.S. Senators Pat Toomey (R-PA) and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) unveiled the Financial Regulators Transparency Act of 2022, which among other things would have extended the FOIA’s reach to regional Federal Reserve Banks and created special privileges and access rights for congressional requesters seeking records from the Federal Reserve, CFPB, SEC, FDIC, OCC, NCUA, and FHFA.

None of the foregoing proposals became law. But the Consolidated Appropriations Act for 2023, which did receive the President’s signature on December 29, 2022, included at least one substantive section dealing with the FOIA. Specifically, Section 406 requires the Department of Veterans Affairs to devise and implement a five-year plan to improve the agency’s FOIA technology, permit FOIA officers to conduct searches and review directly (rather than relying on search memoranda, for example), and to set milestones for reduction of the processing backlog. The section also requires OGIS to assess the VA’s compliance with the FOIA, and for the agency to provide annual reports to Congress and the public on the progress of the five-year backlog-reduction plan.

Regulatory updates

By our count, six agencies proposed changes to their FOIA regulations in 2022: Central Intelligence Agency; Office of the Intellectual Property Enforcement Coordinator; Environmental Protection Agency; Office of Special Counsel; Corporation for National and Community Service; and the Export-Import Bank.

Seven agencies issued final rules amending their FOIA regulations: Food and Drug Administration; Office of Special Counsel; Corporation for National and Community Service; U.S. Agency for International Development; Export-Import Bank; Federal Mine Safety and Health Review Commission; and the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation.

(Additionally, the EPA’s 2019 direct final rule implementing various changes to the agency’s FOIA regulations survived legal challenge in Ecological Rights Found. v. Envtl. Prot. Agency (D.D.C. Sept. 12, 2022).)

Attorney General memorandum

Attorney General Merrick Garland issued FOIA guidance to agencies on March 15, 2022, much to the delight of non-profit groups that had petitioned Garland in April 2021 and January 2022. The new guidance identifies four main principles: (1) a presumption of openness; (2) proactive disclosures; (3) removing barriers to access and reducing backlogs; and (4) ensuring fair and effective FOIA administration. Garland’s memo superseded Attorney General Eric Holder’s 2009 FOIA guidance, which the Trump Administration left in place.

Federal FOIA Advisory Committee recommendations

The most recent term of the federal FOIA Advisory Committee concluded in June 2022 with publication the next month of a final report and set of recommendations to the Archivist of the United States. Among other things, the Committee suggested reforms to the use of “Neither Confirm Nor Deny”/Glomar responses, as well as classification under Executive Order 13526; further consideration of the impact of Section 508 of the Rehabilitation Act on the FOIA; more frequent publication of FOIA logs; changes to the first-person request process; and a strengthening of the role OGIS places in FOIA administration.

Miscellaneous developments

  • The phase-out of FOIAonline continues. As of the date of this blogpost, NARA, NRS, and SBA are no longer using FOIAonline to manage FOIA requests, and CBP has stopped accepting new requests through the portal. The EPA still plans to “sunset” the FOIAonline platform by the end of 2023.

  • Relatedly, DHS has started transitioning away from its legacy FOIAXpress Public Access Portal, and is now managing requests across most DHS sub-agencies (with the exception of USCIS, OIG, and the Secret Service) through the new “SecureRelease” platform.

  • DOJ’s Office of Information Policy and NARA have announced their cooperation with GSA to develop new FOIA “business standards” to facilitate improved compliance and more efficient processing. As part of that initiative, NARA hosted a NexGen FOIA Tech Showcase in February 2022, which aimed to identify new technological solutions for FOIA case management. Additionally, OIP is working on an interactive “FOIA wizard” to help users “navigate” FOIA.gov.

  • In December 2022, the White House published the Fifth U.S. Open National Action Plan. As part of that plan, DOJ has committed to take a number of steps to bolster openness and transparency, including issuing an updated FOIA Self-Assessment Toolkit, finalizing shared FOIA business standards (as described above), and improving the user experience on FOIA.gov.

  • Although not directly related to the FOIA, at the end of December 2022, the Office of Management and Budget published Memorandum M-23-07 concerning the transition of all Federal agencies to an “electronic” or “paperless” environment. Among other things, Federal agencies are now expected to manage all permanent records in an electronic format by the end of June 2024, and to thereafter transfer records in electronic format with all metadata whenever depositing those records with the Archives.

Commentary: Making FOIA great again?

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

As we reported yesterday, a bill expected to be introduced by Senators Marco Rubio and Tom Cotton would, among other things, prohibit federal agencies from disclosing records to certain foreign citizens and entities under the Freedom of Information Act. The FOIA Advisor staff—Ryan Mulvey (RM), Kevin Schmidt (KS), and Allan Blutstein (AB)—weighs in on the proposed amendments below.

KS: I’m not sold on the national security justification for the bill. FOIA exemptions exist to make sure the most sensitive government information stays secret regardless of the status of the requester. And speaking of that, how is a FOIA officer going to confirm the citizenship of the requester? There’s no information about that in the draft bill. FOIA officers have enough to deal with already. They don’t need to try to find out the citizenship status of every requester.

Sen. Rubio says the fact that foreign nationals can request records under FOIA is a “glaring loophole.” Are agencies facing a glut of FOIA requests from foreign nationals outside of the immigration space? I have no idea, but I’d be interested if anyone has seen numbers. A more reasonable argument in my mind would be that we shouldn’t use scarce resources on requests from foreign nationals, but that’s not the leading argument being made.

RM: I agree that it would be interesting to see what percentage of requesters are foreign nationals (or foreign governments or foreign business entities), assuming such information is even collected and verified by agencies. I should think the percentage is rather low, and lower still once one brackets out people seeking immigration-related records, who are still permissible requesters in the Rubio-Cotton bill.

I also take issue with the “glaring loophole” characterization of FOIA. I’m not sure the legislative history, or attendant caselaw, supports Senator Rubio’s claim. There are already judicially created exceptions to the “any person” standard, but I’ve never seen language suggesting Congress accidentally gave foreigners the right to request records. If anything, the fact Congress has already amended FOIA to prohibit requests from foreign government entities to intelligence community agencies—see 5 U.S.C. § 552(a)(3)(E)—suggests it knows how to grapple with the sort of national security concerns raised by Senator Cotton.

Turning to the other substantive proposals in the bill, I can only conclude this is a political stunt rather than a serious attempt at reform. We’re offered a bunch of (bad) solutions in search of non-existent problems. I note, for example, the vagueness of the provision criminalizing what I assume to be proxy requests on behalf of prohibited requesters. Another, more troubling provision would give an agency the discretion to “determine the manner in which a request is fulfilled . . . if [it] has a reasonable belief that fulfilling the request in the manner requested by the requester” would “result in the exposure of [non-responsive] material” or “pose[] a material security risk” to the federal government. What is this? Is this an exclusion? An exemption? What does it mean to “fulfill” a request? And why is non-responsive material, as such, a problem? How will that first sub-provision impinge on the open question of what constitutes a “record”? The latter clause touching on “material security risks” seems ambiguous. Do Exemptions 1 and 3 not already provide enough protection to keep sensitive, national-security information secret?

Finally, I have deep reservations about the proposed tenth exemption for materials “susceptible to reverse engineering.” This strikes me as a sort of “catchall” that draws on mosaic theory and the pre-Milner scope of Exemption 2. I have a hard time imaging what the exemption would cover that couldn’t already be withheld under another existing exemption. I won’t even get into the problem of understanding the “interests of the United States” in the proposed balancing test, and the implications for the foreseeable harm standard.

AB: Your points are well taken and I am confident this effort will fail. I am not offended by—but do not think it necessary to enact—a FOIA citizenship requirement. Our neighbor to the North limits access to agency records to Canadian citizens and permanent residents; however, they do not criminalize or disallow proxy requests. Additionally, a number of U.S. states have citizenship or residency requirements, including Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Kentucky, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia, which the U.S. Supreme Court has blessed. I agree with you, Kevin, that enforcement would be logistically challenging, but where there’s a will there’s a way? The government has managed to create a “PreCheck” travel program with 10 million members; it should be able to figure out a screening process for considerably fewer FOIA requesters.

As for the remaining provisions, I have long maintained that agencies should be able to “scope out” information that requesters have not asked for. Perhaps the language here needs to be tweaked, but I support the overall objective. I agree with you, Ryan, that the exemption proposed to protect certain technology appears to be unnecessary. Section 1.4(e) of Executive Order 13,526 already allows agencies to classify “scientific, technological, or economic matters relating to the national security.”

Commentary: Top decisions of 2021

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

Federal courts issue hundreds of decisions in FOIA cases every year. Most do not break new legal ground or attract significant media attention. As 2022 gets under way, the legal eagles of FOIA Advisor -- Allan Blutstein (AB) and Ryan Mulvey (RM) -- look back at 2021 and identify the decisions that stood out to them (in no particular order).

(1) U.S. Fish & Wildlife Serv. v. Sierra Club (U.S., Mar. 4, 2021) -- in a 7-2 decision, ruling that the agency properly relied on Exemption 5’s deliberative process privilege to withhold draft biological opinions that were prepared by lower-level staff and never approved by decisionmakers or sent to EPA under the Endangered Species Act.

AB: This was only the third FOIA decision issued by the U.S. Supreme Court since 2011, so readers will not be surprised to see it on our list. The Court’s earlier two FOIA decisions—Argus Leader (2019) and Milner (2011)— were far more consequential, however, and I suspect the media would have ignored this case if it had not been Justice Barrett’s first majority opinion. In sum, I agree with the Office of Information Policy’s guidance in which it advised that the decision “did not introduce new factors or considerations that would govern the application of Exemption 5,” but underscored two principles: (1) “[a] record is not ‘final’ for purposes of the deliberative process privilege simply because it is the last version and nothing else follows it”; and (2) “[a] record is final not because it causes an agency to change course, but because it is treated by the agency as a final decision with legal effect.”

RM: My initial impression last spring was that this case would have a fairly limited impact, given its unique facts and the nature of the biological opinions at issue. I’ve grown more pessimistic, especially as I’ve seen how DOJ attorneys in my own practice are trying to use the case. There are several aspects of the Court’s reasoning that, over time, could seriously change the deliberative-process privilege landscape. Now, I have no quarrel with the notion that a “final” record is one that “communicates a policy on which the agency has settled.” And that no doubt requires attending to how the agency treats that record. I’m not sure, however, what it means to consider “real operative effect” in light of “legal, not practical consequences.” In the context of biological opinions, it is reasonable to think of “finality” as you would under Bennett v. Spear. But agencies makes lots of decisions that never end up determining rights or obligations, or which never result in “legal” consequences, strictly speaking. So OIP’s reference to “legal effect,” and Justice Barret’s repeated citation to Bennet is concerning. If the pre-decisional aspect of a record turns on whether its communicates a policy with actual legal consequences, we could witness a massive expansion of what is considered privileged.

(2) Cause of Action Inst. v. DOJ (D.C. Cir., June 1, 2021 ) -- reversing district court’s decision and concluding that: (1) DOJ improperly segmented one large electronic file into separate records and withheld portions as non-responsive; (2) plaintiff had standing to challenge agency’s practice and policy of segmenting records, but issue was unripe for adjudication.

RM: As a disclaimer, I argued this case. I’m honored you would choose to include it in our list of consequential cases, Allan! Unsurprisingly, I agree it’s an important decision, and a consequential follow-up to the Circuit’s 2016 decision in American Immigration Lawyers Ass’n v. Executive Office for Immigration Review. The heart of the case deals with the definition of a “record,” and the importance of understanding that foundational term before turning to the question of agency control or the application of exemptions. In the wake of AILA, and with the end of scoping, many agencies turned from withholding portions of records as “Non-Responsive,” to arguing those same portions were distinct non-responsive “records.” Even though the Circuit didn’t settle on an objective definition and didn’t reach the policy-and-practice claim that challenged the legality of OIP’s guidance on defining a “record” under the FOIA, I still think it took a step in the right direction by focusing on how records are maintained and treated prior to the submission of a FOIA request. If an agency maintains a record as unitary whole, it shouldn’t be able to break it up when processing for disclosure, at least without requester consent. In case anyone is interested, I explored the import of the case in greater detail a while back at the Yale Journal on Regulation’s Notice & Comment blog.

I’d only add that the court’s decision on ripeness is bizarre. I don’t understand how ripeness is relevant to a policy-and-practice claim, and I don’t see how Judge Edward’s concern about “contingent future events” squares with his discussion of standing and the demonstration of likely future application of a challenged policy or practice. Taken to its logical extension, Cause of Action Institute could gut Payne, especially as far as informal policies and practices are concerned. In the end, the practical effect may be that OIP guidance is immune from judicial review, unless there is a clear adoption of the guidance within an agency.

AB: No one outside the government knows this case better than you and your colleagues, Ryan, so I will address a different aspect of it, namely the perplexing way this litigation managed to occur. Once the requester filed an administrative appeal disputing the “non-responsive” withholdings, DOJ could have—and I would argue should have—treated the appeal as a new request and processed the disputed records. Instead of mooting the matter as such, DOJ took the requester’s bait and risked its “distinct records” policy and practice in court. Given the lopsided oral argument (kudos, Ryan), DOJ must have been thrilled with the mixed verdict here.

(3) Rojas v. FAA (9th Cir., Mar. 2, 2021) (en banc) -- holding in most relevant part that the “consultant corollary” applied to documents prepared for agency by outside consulting firm and affirming district court’s decision that two of three disputed documents were protected by Exemption 5’s attorney work-product privilege; Jobe v. NTSB (5th Cir., June 17, 2021) -- reversing and remanding district court’s decision and holding that “outside parties solicited by the NTSB qualify as ‘consultants’ under Exemption 5’s consultant corollary; rejecting district court’s view that technical personnel employed by aircraft manufacturers and operators have too much “self-interest” in outcome of NTSB investigations to be regarded as consultants;

AB: The government thwarted attempts to upend its longstanding use of the consultant corollary and it topped off those wins in early 2022 when the U.S. Supreme Court denied petitions for each case. Nicely done, government litigators. Requesters are running out of circuits in which to litigate this issue. Perhaps they’ll try to persuade lawmakers to do their bidding instead.

RM: As a policy matter, I have no real quarrel with the consultant corollary per se, although I find the textualist analysis offered by the dissenters in the Ninth and Fifth Circuits to be persuasive. Whatever ambiguity there may be in the term “intra-agency,” I don’t think the plain meaning calls to mind the kinds of consultants implicated in Rojas, let alone Jobe. (Side note: I think Jobe could have been reversed, and perhaps should have been reversed, simply by applying Klamath and without deciding the validity of the consultant corollary.) Every time I read footnote two of Justice Scalia’s dissent in Department of Justice v. Julian, with its purposivist betrayal of the statutory text, I just shake my head. But here’s a hot take: my real heartburn is caused by the long-standing D.C. Circuit caselaw undergirding the consultant corollary—e.g., Soucie v. David and Ryan v. Department of Justice—and how it has been used to expand the meaning of Exemption 5’s threshold to cover inter-branch communications between agencies and the President or Congress.

(4) Cause of Action Inst. v. OMB (D.C. Cir., Aug. 20, 2021) -- affirming district court’s decision that Internet browsing histories of OMB and USDA officials did not qualify as “agency records,” because “the agencies’ retention and access policies for browsing histories, along with the fact that they did not use any of the officials’ browsing histories” indicated that the agencies did not control the requested records.

RM: Another case I argued…I promise I didn’t add it to our list! As interested as I was to read OMB Director Mulvaney’s Internet browsing history, I always saw our fight as touching on something much more impactful and theoretical. In my mind, this case was really about proper application of Burka, and whether its third factor—namely, actual use—is dispositive to the control inquiry, especially in the context of agency-created records. We were trying to get some clarity on the proper import of Judicial Watch, Inc. v. Federal Housing Finance Agency. Alas, we were unsuccessful. The silver lining, however, was the Court’s clarification that “[t]he text and structure of FOIA . . . make clear that whether the requested materials are ‘agency records’ goes to the merits of the dispute . . . rather than the court’s jurisdictional power to hear the case.” This is something requesters have had to fight with the government about for a number of years; hopefully, DOJ will stop trying to dismiss novel FOIA suits under Rule 12(b)(1)! One final note: although this case involved requests denied by OMB and USDA, there was a third request directed to Amtrak that ended up not making it into the Complaint. Why? Amtrak gave us their top officials’ browsing histories. And guess what? They really like looking at pictures of trains!

AB: Government employees are breathing slightly easier now. Had the court ruled in appellant’s favor, FOIA offices would have been flooded by these pesky requests. Granted, agencies would have been able to invoke applicable exemptions (Exemptions 5 and 6 come to mind), and employees would have learned to delete their histories, browse in private mode, or use personal devices to do their Cyber Monday shopping. I agree with you about the silver lining. The D.C. Circuit had not squarely addressed that particular jurisdictional/merits question, though the answer seemed clear enough given the court’s similar 2009 decision in Citizens for Responsibility & Ethics in Wash. v. Office of Admin.

(5) Nat. Res. Def. Council v. EPA (2nd Cir., Nov. 29, 2021) -- reversing in part and vacating in part district court’s decision and holding that: (1) “messaging documents”— i.e., records relating to agency’s decision about how to communicate its policies to people outside the agency—merit protection under Exemption 5’s deliberative process privilege unless they reflect “merely descriptive discussions”; and (2) “briefing documents”—i.e., records “created to brief senior agency staff about various topics”—could qualify under the deliberative process privilege even if they did not relate to a specific decision facing the agency.”

AB: My reaction to this decision can be summed up in one word that was used frequently by John Madden, the recently departed Hall of Fame football coach and broadcaster: “Boom!” The D.C. Circuit has long rejected the Exemption 5 arguments shilled by plaintiff here; it was satisfying to see the Second Circuit finally lower the boom. Unfortunately, requesters can still find refuge in the Ninth Circuit, which clings to a shortsighted notion about messaging records. See, e.g., Nat'l Pub. Radio v. U.S. Int'l Dev. Fin. Corp. (C.D. Cal., Nov. 21, 2021).

RM: It was only a matter of time. I tend to think the deliberative-process privilege is most appropriate when applied to records that reflect substantive policy decision-making. But I recognize it’s hard to come up with a categorical rule, and I also acknowledge there could be real harm in revealing some internal discussions about “messaging.” I suppose my view is colored by agencies trying to withhold records to avoid political embarrassment, rather than to protect employee candor and the integrity of their decision-making processes. At this point, any real effort to limit the use of the deliberative-process privilege is going to require congressional intervention and a reworking of Exemption 5. Alternatively, a robust “foreseeable harm” standard could be an effective check on over-redaction. The D.C. Circuit nudged things in favor of the requesters in that regard this past year in Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press v. Federal Bureau of Investigation.

(6) NY Legal Assistance Grp. v. Bd. Immigration Appeals (2nd Cir., Feb. 5, 2021) -- in a 2-1 decision, vacating and remanding district court’s decision that agency was not required to affirmative publish its non-precedential opinions pursuant to 5 U.S.C. § 552(a)(2).

RM: There were some interesting circuit splits that materialized or deepened in 2021. The Ninth Circuit, for example, parted ways with the Second and took a different approach to the Tiahrt Rider, the OPEN FOIA Act’s Exemption 3 reforms, and the question of legislative entrenchment. Ctr. for Investigative Reporting v. DOJ, 14 F.4th 916 (9th Cir. Sept. 23, 2021); Everytown for Gun Safety Support Fund v. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco & Firearms, 984 F.3d 30 (2d Cir. 2020). We also saw the Second Circuit join with the Ninth to reject the D.C. Circuit’s extremely limited provision of relief for requesters bringing claims under 552(a)(2)—otherwise known as the FOIA’s “reading room” provision. See CREW v. DOJ, 846 F.3d 1235 (D.C. Cir. 2017). Frankly, I’ve always found the CREW court’s narrow reading of the FOIA’s remedial provision to be quite weak. I’m glad to see the Second Circuit willing, in theory, to force agencies to comply with their proactive disclosure obligations.

AB: Unlike you, I was not “glad” to see this Second Circuit decision. Rather, I agree with the dissent’s conclusion that “[t]his state of affairs makes little sense.” Congress ought to fix this mess instead of leaving it for the Supreme Court to resolve, but I certainly won’t hold my breath. My sense is that FOIA lobbyists are pursuing several grander proposals, such as a (terrible) across-the-board public interest balancing test and a (reasonable by comparison) reinstatement of Exemption 4’s substantial competitive harm test.

Commentary: 2020 FOIA Metrics

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

On May 13, 2021, the Department of Justice’s Office of Information Policy released a summary of the annual FOIA reports prepared by federal agencies for fiscal year 2020. The staff of FOIA Advisor—Allan Blutstein (AB), Ryan Mulvey (RM), and Kevin Schmidt (KS)—reacts to OIP’s summary.

AB: I used to wait impatiently for these summaries, but in recent years DOJ has made all of the raw data available months beforehand on the website FOIA.gov. If you have not seen that data, which we highlighted here, you will not be terribly surprised to learn that the total number of requests submitted in fiscal year 2020 decreased and that the government’s backlog increased—each likely due in part to the pandemic. Those looking for good news might point to a decrease in the average processing time for “simple requests” from 39.3 days in FY 2019 to 30.23 days in FY 2020. Indeed, OIP touts that fact in the conclusion of its report. But one could rain on that parade by noting that last year’s processing time is still worse than in fiscal years 2012 through 2018. As a parting (positive) comment, I would include U.S. Customs & Border Patrol as one the agencies that performed well despite the pandemic; it reduced its backlog of requests from 10,466 to 1729. Keep up the good work on all fronts.

KS: What stood out to me was the 10 percent increase in staff devoted to FOIA in FY2020 (5,559 full-time FOIA staff) compared to FY2019 (5,002 full-time FOIA staff) along with the 12 percent increase in cost of FOIA related activities. I’m not sure where these increases came from, but hopefully more progress can be made on requests and appeal backlogs in FY2021 if the staffing stays at this level or increases.

RM: Honestly, I was rather surprised by the drop-off in requests, especially given the contentious nature of the federal government’s COVID response. I would have expected some decrease, but not an effective return to FY 2016 levels. I suppose this data could confirm a sort of “Trump” surge in requests over the last four years; a lot of requesting saeems to have been driven by political interests, above all, rather than the sort of “natural” trend we’ve witnessed over the past decades. Opponents of the previous Administration may have seen FOIA as a useful tool for political ends. (I reserve opining on whether that’s a good thing.) For example, if you dig into the data that’s downloadable from FOIA.gov, you can see the agencies where there is the greatest difference in new requests between FYs 2019 and 2020: EPA, USPS, SSA, DOJ, and NARA (very significant spread, there). It would take a bit more investigation to confirm this hypothesis, but the end of the Trump Administration may be more to blame, as it were, than the pandemic.

I also agree with you, Kevin, that the increase in staffing levels, however slight, is interesting and promising. There’s a lot that could be said for agencies devoting more time and energy to FOIA. It seems that they’ve done so, to some extent, and without anything specific in the way of dedicated line item appropriations from Congress.

AB: Just when I thought I was out, they pull me back in. I am skeptical that the decrease in requests had much to do at all with Trump fatigue or the end of the Administration. The fiscal year ended one day after the first presidential debate, about six weeks before the election, and roughly four months before Trump left office. A once-in-a-lifetime pandemic likely sapped the time, ability, and energy of FOIA requesters more than politics. One more comment : if an 8-percent decrease in requests is so significant as to engender disbelief, Ryan, why is a 10-percent increase in staffing so insignificant as to warrant characterizing it as “slight.”

KS: If we are turning to evidence-optional speculation on the drop off in requests in FY2020, I’m going to cut in here before Ryan can jump in. Let me remind everyone of the absolutely insane (fiscal) year that was 2020. It included a presidential impeachment, COVID, passage of the CARES Act, national protests (and some riots), and a Democratic primary. For the most part, these events that drove the news during the year didn’t have a direct nexus to FOIA and many of them required the time and energy of politically active and followers of politics (journalists). Combine that with Trump fatigue and the once-in-a-lifetime pandemic, and you get an 8-percent decrease in requests.

AB: Here we go again. A decrease in requests because of Trump fatigue? Wrong. None of the national events you cite, Kevin, were unconnected to FOIA; records indicating how the Executive Branch handled or reacted to them unquestionably remained of interest. So there. Stuff your request for evidence in a sack.

RM: Let’s talk evidence then. Consider the case of NARA, which I already mentioned witnessed the largest decrease in new requests in FY 2020.

In FYs 2017, 2018, and 2019, the Archives received on average just north of 60,000 requests. That average itself is noticeably elevated compared to earlier annual totals. Maybe the private email controveries towards the end of the Obama White House are to blame, along with continued (and fierce) interest in problematic records management practices under President Trump? Not to mention other Trump kerfuflles, such as the 2017 Women’s March photo scandal. In any case, in FY 2019, NARA received approximately 67,500 requests. Yet in FY 2020, it only received 25,738 requests. That is a tremendous decrease—62%—that may not be explained by the pandemic alone. Or so I respectfully submit.

If you look at data from FOIA.gov, no other major agency, as far as I can tell, has such a huge shift in number of FOIA requests submitted between 2019 and 2020. The next largest decrease is the Social Security Adminitration (35%), followed by Interior (25%), OPM (23%), EPA (22%), FCC (18%), FTC (15%), and USDA (14%). I didn’t notice a huge uptick anywhere. When you glance at these agencies, they all have one thing in common: they were somehow engaged in an especially controversial aspect of the previous President’s policy agenda.

If the pandemic were the principal cause of the decrease in requesting, shouldn’t we expect to see similar trends on other agencies? Why did people care so much less about NARA? Let’s keep in mind that, the decrease of requests submitted to NARA between FYs 2019 and 2020 makes up roughly 61% of the total difference in FYs 2019 and 2020 across all agencies! Moreover, according to NARA’s Chief FOIA Officer Report, at least, these numbers do not reflect requests for archival records. So we’re not talking about researchers making in-person requests at the Archives, but requests for records under the actual legal control of the agency.

I could be wrong. I don’t think I’m misreading the numbers, unless NARA is omitting something. And I do grant there’s a variety of factors that could have influenced the requesting community, as Kevin suggests. Given how public discourse about FOIA and records management generally reached fever pitch under Trump, I’d still wager his departure has influenced requesting trends.

AB: It’s a good thing you’re not actually a gambler, Ryan. I contacted NARA about our debate and here’s the written explanation from NARA’s General Counsel and Chief FOIA Officer Gary Stern:

The significant drop in the number of FOIA requests that NARA received in FY 20 (25,738 in FY 20, as compared to 67,466 in FY 19) was due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. All of NARA’s facilities were forced to operate at a significantly reduced capacity. In particular, NARA’s National Personnel Records Center (NPRC), which receives the vast majority of NARA’s FOIA requests, was limited in its ability even to log in most of the FOIA requests; instead, the NPRC concentrated principally on responding to emergency requests for records concerning medical and burial claims, which are handled outside of the FOIA process.

The Academy Award-winning film Annie Hall includes a glorious scene in which Woody Allen brings out Marshall McLuhan for a cameo appearance to settle an argument—in Woody Allen’s favor—about a professor’s views of Mr. McLuhan’s work. Gentlemen, I believe I’ve had my “Marshall McLuhan” moment here. If life were only always like this.

FOIA commentary: Top FOIA decisions, July 2020-Dec. 2020

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

On July 21, 2020, FOIA Advisor lawyers Allan Blutstein (AB) and Ryan Mulvey (RM) discussed six FOIA decisions that stood out to them as the most significant of the first half of the year. Today they discuss eight decisions of note that were issued during the second half of 2020. Relatedly, Ryan will be co-teaching an American Society of Access Professionals webinar on FOIA case law developments with the redoubtable Richard Huff on January 26, 2021. (Registration closes on January 22th!)

Ctr. for Investigative Reporting v. DOJ (9th Cir. Dec. 3, 2020) -- in a 2-1 decision, reversing and remanding district court’s decision and holding that data requested from agency’s Firearms Trace System was not protected by a rider to a Consolidated Appropriations Act because it failed to cite to Exemption 3; remanding case for further proceedings to determine whether agency could reasonably search database for requested records; Everytown for Gun Safety Support Fund v. ATF (2nd Cir. Dec. 23, 2020) -- reversing district court’s decision and holding that data requested from agency’s firearms database was protected from disclosure pursuant to a congressional rider even though that rider did not specifically cite Exemption 3.

AB: A pair of split Circuit court decisions within three weeks was an exciting way to end the year. Barring congressional intervention or an en banc reversal by one of the courts, we may be looking at a U.S. Supreme Court clash in 2021. I do not have a strong opinion on how SCOTUS would or should rule on the disputed provision of the Open FOIA Act of 2009, but I lean towards the Second Circuit’s view.

RM: It would be quite something to get three consecutive years of FOIA at the Supreme Court! Apart from the particular issue of the Firearms Trace System, the broader questions of how appropriations riders function, whether they can qualify as withholding statutes, and how or when subsequent riders impliedly repeal their predecessors are all vitally important for understanding the proper operation of 5 U.S.C. § 552(b)(3)(B). (As an aside, I think these cases are a lesson for the imprudence of Congress trying to prohibit disclosure indirectly through appropriations legislation.) That being said, I agree with the Ninth Circuit; I don’t see how the 2008 and 2010/2012 riders at issue are mutually consistent and given the passage of the 2010 rider only two months after the Open FOIA Act, it is difficult to imagine Congress didn’t know what it was doing. The requirement for new withholding statutes to reference Exemption 3 needs to be taken seriously, and the Second Circuit’s decision renders that provision of FOIA entirely nuggatory. (I also think the Ninth Circuit decision offers a useful reminder to agencies that retrieving and producing data stored in a database does not entail creation of a “new” agency record. This has been established in other jurisdictions, but I still see agencies fight against the rule.)

AB: Contrary to your suggestion, it is now entirely unclear whether the “requirement for new withholding statutes to reference Exemption 3 needs to be taken seriously.” We’ll see, as the Zen master in Charlie Wilson’s War was fond of saying. Congress could moot this issue with new legislation, of course, and I hope it would step in if the government ultimately loses.

Machado Amadis v. DOJ (D.C. Cir. Aug. 21, 2020) -- affirming, in most relevant part, district court’s decision that OIP properly relied on Exemption 5’s deliberative process privilege to withhold portions of staff’s appeal recommendation forms, and finding that agency reasonably explained why statute’s foreseeable harm provision was satisfied—i.e., agency had considered "information at issue’” and concluded that disclosure “‘would’ chill future internal discussions.”

RM: The much awaited “foreseeable harm” decision from the D.C. Circuit!  In many ways, I expected this opinion to be much worse (from the requester’s perspective), considering the facts and arguments presented to the court.  I think the decision leaves many questions unanswered.  The good news?  The Circuit appears to recognize that the foreseeable harm standard is not merely a codification of previous practice but imposes some sort of new burden on agencies.  “Generalized” assertions of expected harm—particularly vis-à-vis “chilling” of agency deliberations—are inadequate.  But we still don’t have clarity on the process of identifying interests protected by certain exemptions, or exactly how we should distinguish the harms necessary to establish use of a privilege (e.g., the “technical” requirements under the second part of Exemption 5 to raise the deliberative-process privilege) from further “foreseeable” harm that would result from disclosure of the specific records at issue in any given case.  As other cases work their way up on appeal, including those cases implicating Exemption 4 post-Argus Leader, I think we will see some more useful precedents established.

AB: What would be useful is if Congress amended the ambiguous foreseeable harm provision instead of leaving it to the courts to figure out. Better yet, Congress should repeal it. Agencies have a challenging enough task in determining whether records fall within an exemption. If that burden is met, nothing more should be required; the disclosure of exempt information is inherently harmful. Asking FOIA personnel to become prognosticators like the Oracle at Delphi would be folly and an unwarranted gift to the plaintiff’s bar. Thankfully, the D.C. Circuit set a standard here that doesn’t appear to be all that difficult for agencies to meet.

Whitaker v. Dep’t of Commerce (2nd Cir. Aug. 15, 2020) -- affirming district court’s decision that : (1) the First Responder Network Authority, an independent entity within the Department of Commerce’s (DOC) National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA), was not subject to FOIA; and (2) DOC and NTIA properly declined to search for requested records because such searches would have been futile, adopting D.C. Circuit’s standard.

RM: I’m a little surprised this case was appealed. It’s difficult to argue that FOIA is not part of “chapter 5 of title 5,” notwithstanding the fact that FOIA isn’t “commonly referred to as” the APA. I also didn’t understand the requesters argument that Exemption 3, as amended by the Open FOIA Act of 2009, should apply to Congress’s exclusion of particular entities from the meaning of an “agency,” for FOIA purposes. The only aspect of the Circuit’s opinion which does give me pause is its analysis of futility. At least when an agency is asked to search for records involving communications with a non-agency, I think it’s important to avoid eliding the question of the existence of “records” (NB: not “agency records”) and agency control. Based on the facts here, it seems the Department of Commerce never had copies of the requested records because it wasn’t involved in the relevant aspects of FirstNet’s operations. Fine. I would not, however, want an agency to be able to argue that a search would be futile because all potentially responsive records in its possession would be categorically outside of its legal control. As far as I’m aware, nearly all the case law on congressional and presidential records, for example, contemplates a search and review before arguing over control. But I digress…

AB: The appellants were grasping at straws on the agency issue (the plain meaning of the statutes at issue were against them, as you pointed out), but I do not fault them for doing everything in their power to try to obtain the requested records. The loss on the futility issue will have a more lasting impact on future FOIA requests, and your hypothetical case is an interesting one. But it’s not this case, so I’ll let it go.

Nightingale. v. USCIS (N.D. Cal. Dec. 22, 2020) -- finding that USCIS, ICE, and DHS “have a pattern of unreasonable delay in responses to A-File FOIA requests,” and permanently enjoining defendants from failing to adhere to statutory deadlines for adjudicating A-File FOIA requests; further ordering defendants to make determinations on all A-File FOIA requests in backlog within 60 days.

RM: An interesting decision in a class-action lawsuit certified at the end of 2019.  It used to be, I think, that failure to abide by statutory deadlines, in-and-of-itself, was a non-starter for a policy-or-practice claim.  There have been a few exceptions in recent years, and this is another step in that direction.  I’m sure immigration lawyers are happy!  I am somewhat troubled, though, by the reference to the importance of A-Files for immigration proceedings—true, no doubt—as if that were probative of an ongoing failure to abide by the terms of the FOIA, or somehow justifies the extraordinary injunctive relief ordered by the court.

AB: A number of agencies with longstanding backlog problems might have good cause to be concerned about this decision. For those who are curious, like I was, about the challenges of processing FOIA requests for A-Files, I recommend reading the compliance assessment report issued by the Office of Government Information Services in February 2018. An A-File is typically about 220 pages long and the largest A-File ever processed was approximately 40,000 pages. No wonder USCIS resisted the relief sought here.

Seife v. FDA (S.D.N.Y. Oct. 6, 2020) -- concluding that FDA properly relied on Exemption 4 to withhold records pertaining to its accelerated approval of a muscular dystrophy drug; noting that statute’s foreseeable harm provision applied to Exemption 4 and was met in this case.

AB: This opinion might contain the most extensive analysis of the foreseeable harm requirement in the context of Exemption 4. The court, unfortunately, sidestepped the government’s threshold argument that the disputed information was protected by the Trade Secrets Act and therefore not subject to the foreseeable harm requirement. I eagerly await a decision that adjudicates that issue—hopefully, in the government’s favor.

RM: Before Seife, I don’t think any of the post-Argus Leader cases dealing with the foreseeable harm standard grappled with the interrelation of Exemption 4 and the Trade Secrets Act. But I’m not sure the question is so easily decided in favor of the government. It really depends on which exemptions are actually “discretionary” and whether an agency’s foreseeable harm analysis is extricable from its exemption analysis. There is some caselaw to cast doubt on the government’s claim that Exemption 4 is obviously “non-discretionary.” Further, under current precedent, the Trade Secrets Act should only come into play, if at all, once information is decidedly protected by Exemption 4. (And I think there is honest diversity of opinion on the proper role of 18 U.S.C. § 1905 under FOIA.) If foreseeable harm is part of the exemption analysis, and not a secondary consideration—even though we often speak of it as an “additional burden” on the agency—then the Trade Secrets Act cannot be the legal prohibition on disclosure contemplated by Section 552(a)(8)(A)(i). Relatedly, I think most people tend to read “disclosure is prohibited by law” in this part of the FOIA as effectively referring to Exemption 3. That interpretation would seem to avoid the possibility of agencies gaming the system and defeating the foreseeable harm standard, say, by trying to eliminate the possibility discretionary disclosure by regulation. I recognize, though, that the call is a close one, and certainly the legislative history is mixed in resolving any interpretive ambiguity. The Ninth Circuit is scheduled to deal with foreseeable harm and Exemption 4 in the coming year, in Evans v. Department of Labor. Seife is on appeal, too, so perhaps we’ll see another Second/Ninth split!

WP Co. v. SBA (D.D.C. Nov. 5, 2020) -- ruling that SBA failed to show that Exemptions 4 and 6 protected the names of loan recipients and amounts borrowed from the Paycheck Protection Program and Economic Disaster Loans program. In reaching its decision, the court noted that the SBA had notified loan applicants that such information would be disclosed upon request.

RM: This case, and the underlying issue of confidentiality of PPP applicant data, attracted a lot of attention in the press last summer. That may have been due to the Administration’s changing position throughout the course of the litigation. I think the court’s rejection of Exemption 4 was well-reasoned. The agency failed to offer convincing evidence of a direct link between PPP loan data and actual business payrolls. Even then—and more determinative, in my mind—the agency expressly notified potential borrows that loan information could be disclosed in response to a FOIA request. The subsequent rebuff of the government’s motion for a stay was pretty embarrassing, too.

AB: This decision did not break new legal ground, but I was also impressed by how thoroughly the court dismantled the government’s exemption claims, especially Exemption 4. It makes me wonder whether anyone outside of SBA —e.g., loan recipients, Treasury, or the White House—asked the agency to withhold the requested information.

Campaign for Accountability v. DOJ (D.D.C. Sept. 11, 2020) -- rejecting plaintiff’s allegation that all legal opinions of Office of Legal Counsel must be affirmatively disclosed under FOIA’s “reading-room” provision, but concluding that OLC opinions “that resolve disputes between agencies” plausibly qualify for disclosure.

AB: In 2019, after this lawsuit was brought, the D.C. Circuit opined in a separate case that FOIA’s reading-room provision did not require affirmative disclosure of all of OLC’s legal opinions. As such, the plaintiff had virtually no chance of prevailing on that claim here. It is notable, however, that the plaintiff survived the government’s motion to dismiss on a subset of the OLC’s opinions. We’ll have to wait until 2021 or later to see which party ultimately prevails on summary judgment.

RM: Agreed. I thought the court’s rejection of OLC’s argument that proactive disclosure only applies to records concerning the regulation of private parties to be important. That argument was so removed from the statutory text and attendant caselaw. It’s also refreshing to see OLC taken to task for trying to argue, again, that it merely provides “opinions,” as if OLC’s advice were incapable of becoming an agency’s working law. I’m very interested to see where this case ends up going on the merits.

Commentary: Top court decisions of 2020 to date

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

Federal courts have adjudicated numerous FOIA cases since the beginning of 2020. FOIA Advisor lawyers Allan Blutstein (AB) and Ryan Mulvey (RM) select the decisions that have stood out to them (in no particular order). Please note in this context that Ryan will be co-teaching a course with Richard Huff about recent FOIA court rulings at ASAP’s annual training conference on July 29, 2020.

Doyle v. DHS (2nd Cir.) — affirming district court’s decision that visitor logs for White House and President Trump’s Mar-a-Lago home are not “agency records” of the U.S. Secret Service, relying on D.C. Circuit’s 2013 opinion in Judicial Watch v. U.S. Secret Service.

AB: I agreed with the result, though I would have enjoyed a Supreme Court showdown had plaintiff prevailed. Query whether any plaintiff will try to forum shop in the Ninth Circuit or elsewhere; it would be an uphill battle.

RM: In my mind, there was never any serious chance the Second Circuit would hold these visitor logs to be agency records. The D.C. Circuit addressed the control question for presidential visitor logs in a fairly persuasive way, both under its modified control test and “regular” Burka test. There have been a couple of attempts to get Trump visitor logs, and similar records; they strike me more as efforts to score political points in the press rather than serious FOIA challenges. Your comment about forum shopping is interesting. The Ninth Circuit has given us some unique FOIA decisions in recent years—think of Rojas v. Federal Aviation Administration, which is scheduled for rehearing en banc after a panel rejected the consultant corollary for Exemption 5’s threshold requirement. I concur it’d be an uphill battle.

Cause of Action Inst. v. DOJ (D.D.C.) — concluding that: (1) DOJ properly withheld certain questions to and responses of congressional witnesses as “non-responsive” even though all material appeared in a single document, but that agency could not treat sub-questions and responses thereto as distinct records; and (2) plaintiff did not have standing to challenge legality of Office of Information Policy’s guidance on definition of a “record.”

RM: I must disclose that my colleagues and I brought this case, and we’re currently on appeal to the D.C. Circuit.  I think it’s time the Circuit cleaned up the mess it created in 2016 with American Immigration Lawyers Ass’n v. Executive Office for Immigration Review.  By itself, AILA is an important decision, and it correctly ended the pernicious practice of using “non-responsive”/”outside the scope” as an effective tenth exemption.  But the panel left unanswered the antecedent question of what qualifies as a “record”!  It only offered dicta mentioning the Privacy Act and suggesting that agencies could use their understanding of the subject-matter of a request as a basis for segmenting “records.”

OIP latched on to this dicta when it created guidance on defining a “record” in early 2017.  I believe that guidance conflicts with the statutory language, as well as long-standing principles of FOIA law (e.g., records must pre-exist any given request) and canons of statutory interpretation.  In terms of application of the guidance in this case, I’m not sure why Judge Jackson didn’t think that QFRs maintained as a single PDF file, under one title, and with consecutive pagination qualified as a unified record.  The court’s sua sponte dismissal of the policy-and-practice claim for lack of standing was even more bizarre.  At the least, on the definition of a “record,” we’ve been seeing the district courts go different ways, so it’d be nice to get some clarity.

AB: As I have previously stated in this forum, I have little enthusiasm for the position that requesters should receive more information than they have asked for. I understand that the statute concerns “records” not “information.” I also understand that it might be more attractive to make a federal case out of the issue than to simply make a follow-up FOIA request for the non-responsive material. If clarity is needed, I’d prefer Congress to act; the courts are winging it.

Grand Canyon Trust v. Bernhardt (D.C. Cir.) — affirming district court’s decision that requester was ineligible for attorney’s fees because its lawsuit did not cause a voluntary or unilateral change in agency’s position; further ruling that the proper standard of review for causation was “clear error,” not de novo. In a concurring opinion, Judge Randolph stated that FOIA’s 2007 amendment did not restore the “catalyst theory” because the amended provision “requires only correlation not causation.”

AB: What piqued my interest here is the concurring opinion, which in my view makes a reasonable case for interpreting the statute more favorably for plaintiffs. I wonder whether any district courts within the Circuit will adopt it. I candidly would prefer requiring judicial relief on the merits as the sole criterion of fee award eligibility, but I am not holding my breath for Congress to re-amend the statute at plaintiffs’ expense.

RM: Judge Randolph’s exposition of the word “unilateral” makes his theory of “correlation not causation” particularly persuasive.  I have not had an opportunity to explore the legislative history.  Judge Randolph did not appeal to it, and he should have if it provided any clue about Congress trying to reverse the Supreme Court on the “catalyst theory,” as opposed to simply liberalizing the standard for fee eligibility.

Ctr. for Investigative Reporting v. DOL (N.D. Cal.) — ruling that Department of Labor improperly relied on Exemption 4 to withhold certain work-related injury form received by OSHA from employers, because agency failed to show that records were both customarily and actually treated as private by owners and provided to the government under an assurance of privacy.

RM:  This is an important decision because it carefully distinguishes whether a submitter of information merely “considered” information to be confidential or actually “kept and treated” the information as confidential.  As I have expressed in previous commentary here and elsewhere, I have problems with the new FMI standard as it seems to open the door to submitters trying to game the system and force a subjective standard for confidentiality.  Policing the factual basis for confidentiality claims is a good step towards avoiding that result.  I was glad to see the court take the agency’s assurances of confidentiality (or lack thereof), as well as relevant OIP guidance, so seriously.  The Supreme Court did not resolve the question of whether assurances either way were a necessary part of the (b)(4) analysis.

AB: I agree with you. Although the court sidestepped the parties’ arguments as to whether the foreseeable harm was satisfied (or even applied) in this case, that issue inevitably will reach the Circuit courts in the near future.

RM:  Since we’re talking about Exemption 4, and you’ve mentioned foreseeable harm, I want to reference another lawsuit brought by the same requester: Center for Investigative Reporting v. Customs & Border Protection (D.D.C. 2019), which was decided at the very end of last year.  I find two aspects of the decision intriguing.  First, the court treated the new FMI standard—i.e., (1) “customarily and actually treated as private” and, perhaps also (2) provided “under an assurance of privacy”—as effectively interchangeable with the D.C. Circuit’s longstanding test from Critical Mass for voluntarily submitted information—i.e., “of a kind that would customarily not be released to the public.”  I’m not convinced that FMI and Critical Mass articulate the same test, but I understand why a court would draw on Critical Mass and its progeny as useful guidance. 

Second, and more importantly, the court’s decision to extend FOIA’s “foreseeable harm” standard to Exemption 4 is groundbreaking, and it will be interesting to see if other courts join the bandwagon.  I suspect most agencies assume that Exemption 4 is a mandatory exemption and, accordingly, foreseeable harm analysis is unnecessary.  This court’s attempt to reintroduce a National Parks-like “competitive harm” requirement really tends to undo what I think the Supreme Court sought to do in FMI.  Exemption 4 and “foreseeable harm” are percolating up to both the Ninth and D.C. Circuits.  So we need to see how things turn out!

Mabie v. EOUSA (S.D. Ill.) — dismissing plaintiff’s FOIA claims as sanction for using profane, belligerent, and abusive language when speaking to opposing counsel, leveling unfounded accusations and threatening opposing counsel, insulting the judge and Court employees, and impugning the integrity of judicial proceedings.

AB: This opinion left me slack-jawed. I do not recall ever seeing a FOIA case dismissed because of a litigant’s misbehavior, but if anyone ever deserved it, Mr. Mabie did.

RM: Indeed. It seems that Mr. Mabie is a troubled individual with a track record of frivilous litigation. The recent opinion out of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania in Manatt v. Department of Homeland Security, which ordered senior agency officials to testify at a special hearing concerning repeated failure to comply with court deadlines, left me similarly astonished, albeit for different reasons. I think there has been an noticeable uptick of judges willing to hold intransigent agencies to task—consider orders earlier this year for in camera review of the Mueller report and deposition of former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

AB: Since you mentioned this week’s decision in Manatt, it bears mentioning that the senior DHS official who was berated by name in this case is the former director of the Office of Government Information Services.

Sai v. TSA (D.D.C.) — on renewed summary judgment, concluding that: (1) agency demonstrated that it properly withheld records pursuant to Exemptions 3 and 5 (deliberative process privilege); (2) agency failed to demonstrate that it searched all reasonable locations or employed reasonable search terms and proper time frame; (3) agency was not required to organize records into discrete PDF files,but that agency failed to show how it would be unduly burdensome to create “irreversible redactions within fully digital, non-rasterized PDFs” outside of FOIAExpress program that agency typically used.

RM: I always enjoy opinions from cases filed by Sai. They often touch on the intersection of FOIA and technology, and this case is no different. I appreciated Judge Moss’s discussion of the E-FOIA amendments and the meanings of “form” and “format.” I was somewhat surprised that he held the agency to such a stringent standard for demonstrating that it was unduly burdensome or technically impossible to process and disclose fully digital non-rasterized PDF files outside of FOIAXpress. This could be a helpful precedent for requesters.

AB: I rarely enjoy his cases, or at least the opinions, because they are lengthy and highly technical. Feel free to write the summaries of his cases going forward. Curious that the court relied upon a Ninth Circuit ruling in evaluating the “unduly burdensome” standard (are there no D.C. Circuit cases?), but it was reasonable for the court to give the agency another opportunity to fill in the perceived gaps.

Commentary: 2019 FOIA metrics

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

On June 1, 2020, the Department of Justice’s Office of Information Policy released a summary of the annual FOIA reports prepared by federal agencies for fiscal year 2019. The staff of FOIA Advisor—Allan Blutstein (AB), Ryan Mulvey (RM), and Kevin Schmidt (KS)—reacts to OIP’s summary.

AB: Kudos to the government for its 7.9 percent reduction in the overall FOIA backlog, but that progress will likely be wiped out and then some by the COVID-19 pandemic, which OIP implicitly acknowledges in the conclusion of its report. Two other statistics stood out to me. First, the average processing time for “simple” requests climbed from 30.22 days to 39.3 days, a nearly 30 percent increase. Second, the average time to adjudicate requests for expedited processing increased from 10.27 days to 14.82 days, the second-slowest time in the past nine years.

KS: There appears to be some important progress here in backlog reduction and number of requests processed, but COVID-19 is going to wipe out any gains made in recent years through no fault on the part of agencies and employees. One possible upside is that agencies that are behind on technology may be forced to invest in upgrades to catch up and/or prepare for a future with more remote FOIA employees. Other than the items mentioned by Allan, the administrative appeals backlog increasing by 6.72% caught my eye.

RM: I was surprised there wasn’t any increase from FY 2018 to FY 2019 in the number of requests filed, but actually a slight decrease. And I was similarly impressed by the progress made on the backlog—though you’re both right that the pandemic will likely seriously impact these gains. I’d like to see agencies reporting on when they withhold parts of records as discrete “Non-Responsive Records.” As we all know, this is a “hot” topic at the moment. OIP gives us data on “No Records” and “Not Agency Record” determinations; it seems reasonable to start recording the use of “Non-Responsive Record,” now that we’re in a post-AILA world. Finally, as I believe I’ve mentioned in the past, I’d like to see some effort to separate out first-party/Privacy Act requests from the data, whenever possible. I don’t find it especially helpful to know DHS is receiving 47% of all FOIA requests, when the agency defines “FOIA Request” broadly to include Privacy Act requests.

AB: To Ryan’s latter point, the annual agency FOIA reports used to include the first-party requests of all agencies, which would often raise the total number of requests above 20 million—most of which were submitted to the Social Security Administration (where, coincidentally, I first worked after law school and encountered FOIA/PA). In the wake of the OPEN Government Act of 2007, however, DOJ instructed agencies to include Privacy Act requests in their fiscal year 2008 reports only if the FOIA was utilized in some way in responding to the request. History lesson for the day.

Commentary: Musings about FOIA during the pandemic

FOIA Commentary (2017-2023)Allan BlutsteinComment

When the FOIA Advisor staff last convened to chat, the Department of Justice had just released the government’s annual FOIA data for fiscal year 2018 and we were looking forward to Sunshine Week. Concerns about the coronavirus scuttled all but a few Sunshine Week events, however, and now FOIA personnel and requesters alike are largely working from homeFOIA Advisor staffers Allan Blutstein (AB), Kevin Schmidt (KS), and Ryan Mulvey (RM) share their thoughts about these exceptional circumstances.

AB: We have seen reports of significant processing delays at several agencies, notably at the FBI and the State Department, but FOIA operations at most agencies appear to be functioning. Requesters who have decried delays of any sort during this pandemic should not be taken seriously. No agency should endanger the lives of their employees in order to process FOIA requests, regardless of the subject matter of the request. Impatient FOIA requesters retain the right to file lawsuits at the usual intervals, unlike requesters in some states that have tolled or extended agency response deadlines.

KS: I agree with Allan that delays are inevitable. The time and energy worrying about delays is better spent fighting the attempts to classify coronavirus records and to eventually uncover any mistakes so we can figure out how to fix them in the future. Also of note, the Congressional Research Service recently published a survey on how thirteen agencies are processing FOIA requests. Eight agencies changed their method for receiving requests and surprisingly, only four specifically mentioned delays in response times.

AB: I should add that I do disagree with the FBI’s decision to disable its eFOIA portal. Even if the agency cannot process records remotely, it should not make it more difficult for requesters to submit requests. Perhaps one silver lining to social distancing in the FOIA context is that courts appear to be issuing more FOIA decisions recently. It could be just a coincidence, but I suspect it is because judges have more time to write opinions now.

RM: I also agree that delays are inevitable, given the reality of work life during the pandemic. However, I don’t think that sophisticated requesters and their allies in the transparency community are decrying delays as such. Rather they are highlighting the problems with how records may be processed, as Kevin suggests, or they are bemoaning how some agencies—particularly at the state and local level, it seems—have taken advantage of this crisis to justify shutting down FOI mechanisms, avoiding Open Meeting laws, and so forth. Open government shouldn’t suffer because of coronavirus. If anything, it is more important than ever for there to be robust transparency, especially when government is acting quickly and outside of “normal” procedural channels.

AB: What costs must be paid to ensure that open government “shouldn’t suffer during coronavirus”? Because unless employees are compelled to come into the workplace, open government will suffer to some extent. I can live with that because I do not believe in transparency at all costs. If agencies choose to err on the side of caution, I will not reflexively bemoan that choice as an underhanded attempt to take advantage of a crisis. And with all due respect to “sophisticated requesters,” a group to which we presumably belong, do not underestimate the scope of what they/we complain about.

RM: Yes, open government will suffer to the extent there are processing delays. But I’m more concerned with preserving the structures of open government. Closing online FOIA portals or shutting down processing altogether is completely unacceptable. And, if anything, this crisis highlights the need for serious reform at agencies that are incapable of processing records remotely, or which rely on retired agency employees for getting things out the door. To be sure, there are some records that will need to be processed on site, due to their sensitive nature. But those aren’t the sort of records sought by the average FOIA requester. As for setting the right balance, how do you feel about agencies policing whether employees are using approved methods of communication or properly preserving records? Because there is a valid concern that agency employees are at home using instant or ephemeral messaging, or personal email accounts, to conduct official business. Should we cut them slack because of coronavirus?

AB: We agree more than we disagree. As for your record preservation questions, I would not excuse the use of improper communication methods, e.g., personal email or personal instant messaging. But I am not losing sleep about it, either. Employees are aware of the rules. Hillary’s “damn emails” have not been forgotten, thanks or no thanks to Judicial Watch.

Stay safe everyone!